So far, the operation has not lead to any major escalation, with the exception of a number of violent clashes in which two Palestinians were killed. Even Hamas seems to be holding its fire and largely preventing other more radical organizations from launching salvoes of rockets from the Gaza Strip. But the operation is ongoing and could last at least another week or two — regardless of the outcome of the kidnapping. Frustration is building and something will go tragically wrong. It is in the nature of all military operations. The IDF has positioned Iron Dome missile defense system batteries around Gaza — this could still get a lot worse and lead to a new round of intense violence in the West Bank, around Gaza or perhaps in both territories.

The government’s agenda is also clear, though Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and some of his colleagues are trying to keep it connected to the kidnapping. For two months now, their biggest problem has been how to isolate the new Palestinian unity government and find a way to get the United States and other Western governments to reject the Fatah-Hamas pact. Netanyahu contradicted himself on Sunday by mentioning the dozens of attempts by Hamas to kidnap Israelis in recent years and then linking this latest attempt with the unity deal. The tongue-tied reactions from the Palestinian Authority in Ramallah and evasive language coming from Hamas in Gaza underlines the fact that while the kidnapping was very popular among many ordinary Palestinians, for the leaderships of the two main movements, it could not have come at a more awkward time.

The Shin Bet security service still seems convinced that the abduction was carried out by Hamas members, though it remains far from certain whether it was sanctioned, much less directed by the leadership in Gaza. If serious proof of Hamas involvement emerges soon, the unity pact may be dealt a fatal blow — a diplomatic victory for Netanyahu. But even if that does happen, the longer-term result may be that with the peace talks on indefinite hold and Palestinian unity shattered — the PA will finally disintegrate, leaving Israel to deal with the ensuing chaos. In the vacuum left behind by the PA, and yes also by Hamas, which is clumsily clamoring for legitimacy, something else will come, in all likelihood much worse. That is hardly Netanyahu’s desired result, though some of his more far-right coalition partners may be happy.

There is also a third, much more elusive and perhaps less intentional agenda that underlines the events of the last six days. It is only a slight exaggeration to say that an entire nation is now feeling for the Shaer, Frenkel and Yifrach families and hoping for their sons swift and safe return. But at the same time, there has been an attempt to obscure the circumstances and climate in which this kidnapping occurred and to replace it with a feeling among Israeli parents that there but for the grace of God go they. But that is not the situation. Not every parent in Israel sends his children to be educated in a boarding school in the West Bank and is resigned to the fact that the only efficient mode of transportation there is hitchhiking. In fact, this is a minority of Israelis — a small and ideological community — and most Israelis disagree with them and would not put their children in that situation.

When some raised the hitchhiking issue — the spokespeople of the settlers camp have tried to shut down debate by saying, Next thing, you’ll be saying that it wasn’t the Arabs who kidnapped them at all, it was 'trempim' ('hitchhiking').” But that is absurd, and there is nothing callous or illogical about questioning the environment in which this happened. It does not justify what the kidnappers did or let them off the hook. Terror remains inexcusable. But we can ask ourselves whether exposing our children to terrorists is justifiable or if it is just another price Israel is being forced to pay by persisting with occupation and settlement. Not to ask these questions would be remiss of us. Those who accuse the questioners of callousness should ask themselves whether they are not doing the same by cynically trying to use this event, which has naturally brought Israelis together, to continue to blur the line between the settlements and Israel proper — risking all of us. Natural sympathy for the families must not obscure our view of the national interest.

Ultimately — when the mystery of the three teenagers' fates is solved or, as horrible as the prospect is, when no news emerges and other issues gradually push their plight to the sidelines of news bulletins — the question marks over the occupation will remain. The settler camp continues to lose the support of the Israeli mainstream as the latest poll indicated again only this week. A slow-burning anger over the price of occupation is growing, and that does not contradict the fact that nearly all Israelis feel for the three families. Pointing out the contributing factors to the kidnapping is not tantamount to letting the terrorists off the hook.

Awareness of the growing presence of the three agendas that make this particular kidnapping different should not in any way diminish the tragedy being experienced right now by three families. But neither should that tragedy obscure the fact that these agendas are being actively pursued and will have significant implications well beyond the personal fates of three teenagers.

http://www.haaretz.com/news/diplomacy-defense/.premium-1.599657

The Shin Bet security service, which is taking part in the operation, was given the go-ahead to treat the operation as a “ticking time bomb” situation and use more intensive interrogation methods, Channel 2 reported Wednesday.

http://www.timesofisrael.com/idf-to-continue-west-bank-operations-at-full-force/

However, military officials later denied the report, according to Israel Radio.

admit to.

It's old home week.