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Edited on Sun Dec-11-05 05:36 PM by Wordie
we actually are disagreeing about. Let's make sure we are really talking about the same things, so we can know if we really are disagreeing or not.
You see, my arguments are based on many things that I really suspect you probably do agree with. This may be a question of interpretation. For instance, one of my arguments could best be described as the "power corrupts and absolute power corrupts absolutely" argument. Do you disagree with that?
Further, you have interpreted my statements as advocating the "policing" of practioners. That really does make it sound unreasonable, but I think it misrepresents my argument. I would describe my argument as one that says we should not give police powers to professionals whose training does really not prepare them to have those powers. At the center of the therapeutic relationship is requirement that it is private. It is the privacy of the relationship that makes it work, but the privacy also creates a very unbalanced power differential between the practioner and the client, and that provides the potential for the abuse of power. You see, the privacy inherent in the process also protects a poor practioner from any scrutiny at all. Again, that's not to say that all practioners do abuse their power, but the potential certainly does exist. My argument seeks to protect the average person from new policing powers that I feel are not properly placed, which would be the ultimate result of this bad proposal. We would be creating what would amount to a new policing entity, one that would have no legal oversight, for which there simply would be no appeal process.
Let me also note that were to give psychiatrists/psychologists these vastly expanded powers, some sort of procedure would be absolutely necessary by which we, as the citizenry, could be assured that those powers were being exercised in a responsible way. What possible method could we institute that would not compromise the therapeutic relationship, which by very definition needs to be private? (In a similar light I am vehemently opposed to many provisions of the Patriot Act, because we as citizens have no way to ensure that the system is operating correctly when things are done in secret.)
You said there is a "considerable amount of empirical evidence contrary to some of what you claim," but didn't give me much to go on there, as I said a number of things, and you don't say what specifically you are objecting to there. And what empirical evidence are you speaking of? I'd like to read it. Once I have, then I can know if I agree or disagree.
You also said that I was making an "all or nothing" argument, and on a certain level, I suppose that is correct. There are some circumstances in life that by their very nature simply are "all or nothing." Do we invade Iraq, or not? There really isn't much wiggle room between the two choices there, either, but I wouldn't criticize the "do NOT invade" position on the basis that it was "all or nothing," even if I disagreed with it. That doesn't seem to fit, somehow. And there are other similarities in the Iraq example that also correspond with my belief that this proposal should be rejected. You seem to be unaware that there is a big difference between theory and practice in the field of psychiatry/psychology. (Don't take my word for this; most practitioners would say the same.) It makes no sense to conduct an investigation if the real danger occurs at the practice end anyway. And, as a realistic person, I realize that once an investigation occurs, the idea will take on a momentum that would make it hard to stop, much as all the obsession of the neocons with Iraq for years before 9/11 led us inexorably to an invasion. There will be political factions inside the organizations that decide these things that will make the decision on a political, not theoretical basis. How could they not, it is, after all, a political issue?
So to say that the oversight issue (and again, "policing," is hardly an approps word - my intent is to prevent inappropriate policing) is a separate issue, and that we should just set that issue aside for a while in order to conduct an investigation to determine if extreme bias could be considered a psychological disorder, I ask why open the can of worm in the first place? Why ignore the potential dangers and proceed at all?
And even if one were to look at theory, there are problems there too. To suggest there should be an investigation presumes that extreme bias can be considered a psychological disorder, by definition. I would define extreme bias as a problem of a value system, or a political issue, rather than a functional brain disorder. Wouldn't you agree, when you really think about it? I mean, nobody has claimed that there is a genetic link, surely. As the field of psychiatry/psychology itself does not consider it's own proper role as dealing with the "treatment" of value systems, or political issues, (which this is as well), why on earth would they consider a diagnosis for what are issues of belief or politics?
As far as saying that my arguments were not "strongly supported," I would ask why you claim that. Where's the data that disputes my arguments? I pointed out that these sorts of proposals have gotten us into trouble before, both in the case of the Nazis, and in the case of the Soviets. Another argument against giving too much power to non-legal entities might be seen in the closer-to-home example of the Tuskeegee experiment, another case of absolute power corrupting absolutely, although in that case it was medical researchers, not psychiatrists/psychologists.
And this statement, "...if one is hauled into court with a given diagnosis, both sides have the opportunity to present expert opinion," also suggests to me an unawareness of the actual functioning of the system. The court simply does not concern itself with issues of diagnosis. (I was talking about a hypothetical bad practitioner being hauled into court, btw.) You again suggest that a person who has a problem with an "extreme bias" could get a second opinion; do you disagree with my statement that a second opinion is not available to many for whom such a thing would not be financially feasible? Or maybe frowned upon by the insurance company? And the financial issue is only one that could make the second opinion idea a virtual non-option anyway. What about the problem of such a diagnosis being recorded and sent off electronically to an insurance company, before the person in question could even know about it? The damage would be done, whether or not it was later changed. It could come back to haunt the patient later. And that is just one potentially damaging potential scenario. I can think of a multitude of others. This proposal is something to be avoided.
Here's what most of this really boils down to. We as human beings just aren't unbiased. None of us. We all see ourselves as completely unbiased, and we all are remarkably skilled in discovering the biases of others (those who disagree with us, especially). Meanwhile, we remain for the most part blissfully unaware of our own biases. This applies to psychiatrists/psychologists, too. Practioners aren't magic people, possessed of psychic powers. The practitioner will bring his/her own biases into the therapeutic relationship; it can't be helped. True, practioners, as part of their professional training, are given instruction in avoiding these biases. But none of us is able to see the world but through the prism of our own experience, and that creates bias. What other prism,after all, could we possibly use? The only way this proposal could work is if the evaluator was free of bias himself (or herself), in other words completely objective. But that just isn't realistic. Bias is a fact of life, for practioners as well as the rest of us, and for that reason this proposal needs to be dropped.
DISCLAIMER! I just want to state again that my objections to this proposal have nothing to do with the example used to defend it, namely LGBT issues. It is a problem, imho, no matter to what sorts of biases it might be applied to.
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