I have noted over the past week or so that there seems to be some confusion on DU as to Clark's stance re: Iraq.
Clark's stand has been consistent for some time: If the Bush administration does not change course, the American people WILL be justified in demanding that the troops be brought home. The question is, when is it too late? Now, there are a lot of people out there trying to pit Democrats who think it's too late against Democrats who think it's not to late in Iraq. For example, recently on FOX news Sean Hannity repeatedly and rudely kept pestering Clark to denounce John Murtha's proposal. Clark correctly redirected the topic back to the essential fact that 57% of the American people believe believe the U.S. should never have gone into Iraq when he said "I'll tell you who is with John Murtha, 57% of the American people are with John Murtha." All Democrats agree this war was a mistake we need to get out of Iraq a.s.a.p. without causing a regional conflict. The Republican leadership wants to "stay the course" with no clear strategy or endgame. We Democrats, however, are UNITED against this war, the only question is how to best extricate ourselves from it without even more shit hitting the fan in an already dangerously volatile Middle East.
And the greatest tragedy is of course the thick-headedness of the Bush administration. Unlike true leaders, they have consistently and persistently turned a deaf ear to all constructive criticism of their "stay the course," policy. However, they finally seem to be getting the message that this war is hurting them politically...because finally it is. They have lost majority support.
What we must hope is that under this pressure the Bush administration somehow finds a smidgen of leadership, and withdraws from Iraq in a way best serving the the interests of Iraq, the wider Middle East, and by extension the national security interests of the U.S. and the rest of the world. We have to be thinking in broader terms than how best to decrease the likelihood of civil war in Iraq, we have to be thinking about how best to decrease the likelihood of unrest in Iraq leading to a regional conflagration.
Dems are putting out different proposals on how best to deal with Iraq, and all are worthwhile because they put more pressure on the Bush administration to change course, and all the plans have merit to a greater or lesser degree depending upon our own personal opinions. However, it is essential to remember that none of us can control what the Bush administration does. In the end, they will follow their own plan (or lack thereof). We can only hope to have influence, because staying the course is the worst option all. And we all agree that if it's not to late already, it will be soon unless the course changes.
OP-ED: Before It's Too Late in Iraq
Reprinted with permission.
By Gen. (ret.) Wesley Clark
Washington Post
Unabridged Version
August 26, 2005
<snip>
With each passing month other intervening factors compound the difficulties and probably reduce the chances for the mission in Iraq to succeed. The election of an Iranian hardliner makes dialogue with Iran more difficult. Ineffective dealings with Syria probably reduces Assad's leverage in controlling jihadist infiltration into Iraq. Fractionating forces within Iraq have grown stronger, and Iraq's economic infrastructure more fragile. Iraqi patience is wearing thin amidst the continuing violence and hardship in Baghdad. And the apparently growing flow of jihadists in and out of Iraq not only testifies to an increasingly sophisticated insurgency but also a new source of training journeymen to fight against us in the global war on terror. SO URGENT MODIFICATION OF THE STRATEGY IS REQUIRED, BEFORE IT IS TOO LATE TO DO ANYTHING OTHER THAN WITHDRAW.
Adding a diplomatic track to the strategy is a must. The US should form a standing conference of Iraq's neighbors, complete with committees dealing with all the regional economic and political issues, including trade, travel, cross-border infrastructure projects, and, of course, cutting off the infiltration of jihadists. Iraq's neighbors should be asked to assist. This will also provide a better opportunity for meaningful back-door discussions of Iran's nuclear program, Syria's interests in Lebanon, and Turkish interaction with the Kurds in Iraq. The US should tone down its raw rhetoric for US-style democracy as an answer to all problems and instead listen more carefully to the many voices within the region. A PUBLIC DECLARATION FORSWEARING PERMANENT BASES IN IRAQ WOULD ALSO BE HELPFUL IN ENGAGING BOTH REGIONAL AND IRAQI SUPPORT AT THIS POINT.
On the political side, the timeline for the agreements on the Constitution are less important than the substance. It is up to American leadership to help engineer a compromise that will avoid the "red lines" of the respective factions and leave in place a state that both we and the neighbors can support. So, no Kurdish vote on independence; a restricted role for Islam, and limited autonomy in the south. And no private militias.
In addition, the US needs a legal mandate from the government to provide additional civil assistance and advice - along with additional US civilian personnel aimed at strengthening the institutions of government. Three month in-country tours should be replaced by a minimum two year stay for civilian advisors and technical experts. Key ministries must be reinforced, provincial governments made functional, a system of justice trained and established, and the rule of law promoted at the local levels. With the majority of Iraqis having known no other leader than Saddam Hussein, there will be a continuing need for assistance in institutional development, leadership training, and international monitoring for years to come, and all of this must be made palatable to Iraqi sovereignty. Hand-in-glove are the requirements for infrastructure repair, job creation, and economic development without which no government will be safe from an insurgent force. Monies promised for reconstruction simply must be committed and projects moved forward, especially in those areas along the border and where the insurgency has the greatest potential..
On the military side, the vast effort underway to train an Army must be matched by efforts to train police and local justices. Countries as far away as Canada, France and Germany should be engaged to assist. Gulf states should also provide observers and technical assistance. In military terms, striking at insurgents is necessary but insufficient – instead, military and security operations must return primarily to the tried and true methods of counterinsurgency – winning the hearts and minds of the populace through civic action, small scale economic development, and positive daily interactions. Ten thousand Arab Americans with full language proficiency should be recruited to assist as interpreters. A more successful effort must be made to control jihadist infiltration into the country by a combination of outposts, patrols, and reaction forces reinforced by high technology means. OVER TIME, AMERICAN FORCES SHOULD BE PULLED BACK INTO RESERVE ROLES AND PHASED OUT.
The growing chorus of voices demanding a pull-out should seriously alarm the Bush Administration. For President Bush and his team are repeating the failure of Vietnam – failing to craft a realistic and effective policy, and in its place, simply demanding that the American people show resolve. Resolve alone isn't enough to mend a flawed approach. IF THE AMERICAN ADMINISTRATION WON'T ADOPT A WINNING STRATEGY, THEN THE AMERICAN PEOPLE WILL BE JUSTIFIED IN DEMANDING THAT THE ADMINISTRATION BRING OUR TROOPS HOME.
http://securingamerica.com/articles/wapo/2005-08-26