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Flabbergasted Donating Member (1000+ posts) Send PM | Profile | Ignore Thu Mar-08-07 05:58 PM
Original message
Pre-Iraq-war documents reveal Kucinich analysis accurately predicted subsequent events
Edited on Thu Mar-08-07 06:06 PM by Flabbergasted
NEWS RELEASE
For Immediate Release
Thursday, March 8, 2007

CLEVELAND OH – An October 2002 pre-Iraq-war analysis of intelligence and information by Ohio Congressman Dennis Kucinich that was widely circulated to members of Congress accurately predicted subsequent events, discoveries, and consequences, according to documents released today by the Kucinich for President Campaign.

Among the points raised by Kucinich in his Oct. 2, 2002 analysis of the war-authorization resolution (http://kucinich.us/files/pdfs/Oct2002Analysis.pdf), which he presented to members of the House and the Senate eight days before they voted to give President Bush the war-authorization he sought, Kucinich advised his colleagues:

"This language is so broad that it would allow the President to order an attack against Iraq even when there is no material threat to the United States."

"A unilateral attack on Iraq by the United States will cause instability and chaos in the region and sow the seeds of future conflicts all over the world."

"Unilateral action against Iraq will cost the United States the support of the world community, adversely affecting the war on terrorism."

"There is no credible evidence that Iraq possesses weapons of mass destruction."

"There is no connection between Iraq and the events of 9/11."

Kucinich, who led the effort to mobilize more than 120 members of the U.S. House of Representatives to oppose the 2002 resolution, has pointed out recently that other members of the House and the Senate, some of whom are running for President, were privy to the same intelligence and information that he was. They, however, voted to approve the authorization. Subsequently, some have apologized, saying they made a mistake. Others have said they were "deceived" or "misled" by President Bush.

Kucinich, a Democratic Presidential candidate, is the only candidate who voted against the original war authorization and against every war-funding appropriation since then.


"I saw the same information that my colleagues did," Kucinich said today. "I consulted experts in the military, at the United Nations, and elsewhere in the world community, and concluded we were about to embark on a tragic course that would cost us dearly in lives, in the loss of global moral credibility, and our nation would suffer profoundly and painfully deep scars that might never be healed."

He added, "Some of those who claim they were deceived by George Bush and were 'tricked' into voting for this unconscionable war are now offering those 'credentials' as qualifications to become the next President of the United States."

Kucinich concluded, "Sound judgment is more valid than political posturing. Principled consistency is a more valid measure of qualifications than hyped-popularity. And rational clarity in confronting life-and-death issues is a better measure of leadership than after-the-fact excuses, apologies, or carefully scripted non-apologies."

Kucinich will be in Texas and Minnesota this weekend to elaborate on the documents that his campaign released today.

http://kucinich.us/node/3505
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Jackpine Radical Donating Member (1000+ posts) Send PM | Profile | Ignore Thu Mar-08-07 06:01 PM
Response to Original message
1. That's the kiss of death in American politics.
To be right.

Take Al Gore for example. Or a thousand others.
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DemBones DemBones Donating Member (1000+ posts) Send PM | Profile | Ignore Thu Mar-08-07 11:10 PM
Response to Reply #1
15. Remember that Al Gore WON. SCOTUS stole the

presidency and gave it to *.
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Jackpine Radical Donating Member (1000+ posts) Send PM | Profile | Ignore Thu Mar-08-07 11:18 PM
Response to Reply #15
17. I think I missed his inauguration.
Did they televise it?
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PreacherCasey Donating Member (717 posts) Send PM | Profile | Ignore Thu Mar-08-07 06:11 PM
Response to Original message
2. We've got to get his name into the general public's consciousness. I'm making this realease into a
handout. Thanks!

K&R for Dennis.
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Flabbergasted Donating Member (1000+ posts) Send PM | Profile | Ignore Thu Mar-08-07 07:27 PM
Response to Reply #2
6. Five years ago his ideas were considered preposterous along with
all the rest of the democrats and "anti-war" crowd. And still we can just barely get the admission that it could have possibly been a minor lapse in judgement.
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5X Donating Member (1000+ posts) Send PM | Profile | Ignore Thu Mar-08-07 06:17 PM
Response to Original message
3. K and R for the Kooch. I knew he was right, too.
Lots of people did.
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peacetalksforall Donating Member (1000+ posts) Send PM | Profile | Ignore Thu Mar-08-07 06:29 PM
Response to Original message
4. Kucinich - nominated for World Secretary of Peace by me.
Representing citizens, families, children, parents of this planet.

One of the few sane people in this country who gets to speak a lot, but is heard too little.

Because so-called news outlets are owned by war loving and war profiting corporations.

K & R for our hero du jour who is a hero every day.
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AnOhioan Donating Member (1000+ posts) Send PM | Profile | Ignore Thu Mar-08-07 06:33 PM
Response to Original message
5. K&R for the Greatest page.
Dennis proves that thinking minds saw through the BS spewed by the bush cabal prior to the invasion.
He was right then and he is right now.

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Morgana LaFey Donating Member (1000+ posts) Send PM | Profile | Ignore Thu Mar-08-07 07:47 PM
Response to Original message
7. Truthfully, I'm a little offended by ths
The headline, primarily. It wasn't Kucinich's analysis -- it was a LOT of other people. So Kucinich shouldn't try to take credit for the analysis itself, IMO. I didn't get MY understanding (which totally mirrored DK's) from him, for example. I got it from others who ALSO didn't get it from him (tho he may have gotten it from them).

It's a little nitpicky on my part, but I don't think even Presidential candidates should be taking credit that isn't strictly due them. Had he said, "I KNEW, along with many others, well in advance that it would all come to this," that'd be absolutely fine with me.
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Flabbergasted Donating Member (1000+ posts) Send PM | Profile | Ignore Thu Mar-08-07 07:55 PM
Response to Reply #7
8. It adds credence to his candidacy. There are likely...
no other documents that specifically state anything resembling these predictions by any other member of congress, because few are brave enough to record down their statements.
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FrenchieCat Donating Member (1000+ posts) Send PM | Profile | Ignore Thu Mar-08-07 08:12 PM
Response to Reply #8
11. Wes Clark testified in front of congress--both houses and on Sept 26, 2002 he said...


"The war is unpredictable and could be difficult and costly. And what is at risk in the aftermath is an open-ended American ground commitment in Iraq and an even deeper sense of humiliation in the Arab world, which could intensify our problems in the region and elsewhere."

"we're going to have chaos in that region. We may not get control of all the weapons of mass destruction, technicians, plans, capabilities; in fact, what may happen is that we'll remove a repressive regime and have it replaced with a fundamentalist regime which contributes to the strategic problem rather than helping to solve it."

"Then we're dealing with the longer mid term, the mid term problems. Will Iraq be able to establish a government that holds it together or will it fragment? There are strong factionary forces at work in Iraq and they will continue to be exacerbated by regional tensions in the area. The Shia in the south will be pulled by the Iranians.

The Kurds want their own organization. The Kurds will be hemmed in by the Turks. The Iraqis also, the Iranians also are nervous of the Kurds. But nevertheless, the Kurds have a certain mass and momentum that they've built up. They will have to work to establish their participation in the government or their own identity."

"We've encouraged Saddam Hussein and supported him as he attacked against Iran in an effort to prevent Iranian destabilization of the Gulf. That came back and bit us when Saddam Hussein then moved against Kuwait. We encouraged the Saudis and the Pakistanis to work with the Afghans and build an army of God, the mujahaddin, to oppose the Soviets in Afghanistan. Now we have released tens of thousands of these Holy warriors, some of whom have turned against us and formed Al Qaida.

My French friends constantly remind me that these are problems that we had a hand in creating. So when it comes to creating another strategy, which is built around the intrusion into the region by U.S. forces, all the warning signs should be flashing. There are unintended consequences when force is used.
http://www.rapidfire-silverbullets.com/2007/01/mining_and_finding_prescient_g.html


Here's he is on Charlie Rose on Sept 23, 2002, saying basically some of the same thing:
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=A7QLqt6QizE
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Flabbergasted Donating Member (1000+ posts) Send PM | Profile | Ignore Thu Mar-08-07 08:19 PM
Response to Reply #11
13. You actually are referencing that? It says exactly what Bush was saying at the time.
Edited on Thu Mar-08-07 08:20 PM by Flabbergasted
Here is the statement it is linked to....


snip

But it was a signal warning about Saddam Hussein: he is not only malevolent and violent, but also unpredictable. He retains his chemical and biological warfare capabilities and is actively pursuing nuclear capabilities. Were he to acquire such capabilities, we and our friends in the region would face greatly increased risks. Saddam might use such weapons as a deterrent while launching attacks against Israel or his neighbors, he might threaten American forces in the region, he might strike directly against Israel, or Israel, weighing the possibilities of nuclear blackmail or aggression, might feel compelled to strike Iraq first.

Saddam has been pursuing nuclear weapons for over twenty years. According to all estimates made available he does not now have these weapons. The best public assessment is that if he were to acquire fissionable material he might field some type of weapon within two years. If he has to enrich the uranium ore itself, then a period of perhaps five years might be required. But what makes the situation relatively more dangerous today is that the UN weapons inspectors, who provided some assistance in impeding his development programs, have been absent from Iraq for over four years. And the sanctions regime, designed to restrict his access to weapons materials and the resources needed to procure them, has continuously eroded. At some point, it may become possible for Saddam to acquire the fissionable materials or uranium ore that he needs. And therefore, Iraq is not a problem that can be indefinitely postponed.

In addition, Saddam Hussein’s current retention of chemical and biological weapons and their respective delivery systems violates the UN resolutions themselves, which carry the weight of international law.

Our President has emphasized the urgency of eliminating these weapons and weapons programs. I strongly support his efforts to encourage the United Nations to act on this problem. And in taking this to the United Nations, the President’s clear determination to act if the United Nations can’t provides strong leverage undergirding further diplomatic efforts.

But the problem of Iraq is only an element of the broader security challenges facing our country. We have an unfinished, world-wide war against Al Qaeda, a war that has to be won in conjunction with friends and allies, and that ultimately be won by persuasion as much as by force, when we turn off the Al Qaeda recruiting machine. Some three thousand deaths on September 11th testify to the real danger from Al Qaeda, and as all acknowledge, Al Qaeda has not yet been defeated. Thus far, substantial evidence has not been made available to link Saddam’s regime to the Al Qaeda network. And while such linkages may emerge, winning the war against Al Qaeda may well require different actions than ending the weapons programs in Iraq.

The critical issue facing the Unites States now is how to force action against Saddam Hussein and his weapons programs without detracting from our focus on Al Qaeda or efforts to deal with other immediate, mid and long-term security problems. In this regard, I would offer the following considerations:

- The United States diplomacy in the United Nations will be further strengthened if the Congress can adopt a resolution expressing US determination to act if the United Nations will not. The use of force must remain a US option under active consideration. The resolution need not at this point authorize the use of force, but simply agree on the intent to authorize the use of force, if other measures fail. The more focused the resolution on Iraq and the problem of weapons of mass destruction, the greater its utility in the United Nations. The more nearly unanimous the resolution, the greater its impact in the diplomatic efforts underway.

snip
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FrenchieCat Donating Member (1000+ posts) Send PM | Profile | Ignore Thu Mar-08-07 08:56 PM
Response to Reply #13
14. I'm sorry, but I missed something here.....
Edited on Thu Mar-08-07 09:10 PM by FrenchieCat
Clark's testimony was not one that helped Bush.

In the Opening remarks, which was the bare bones, as the Q & A is where most of the quotes are, Clark was basically saying that Saddam was not a good guy, which was true (he wasn't all that nice at all)....and that Saddam had been trying to get weapons for over 20 years (meaning why the urgency now?), but that at this time although he may have biological and chemical weapons, But he didn't have nuclear capabilities (which is the only thing that would spell out an imminent threat to the United States), and in the best of scenarios Saddam still wouldn't have anything in terms of those before 2 to 5 years at best. Clark felt that we needed U.N. Inspections because at that time U.N. inspector hadn't been in Iraq since 1998.

His opening remarks also talks about the fact that Clark supported taking the issue of Iraq to the U.N. and that he supported a resolution, that needed not authorize force at this point.....if the UN wouldn't act, Bush should come back to congress for another authorization. And that the resolution should focus on the WMD issue and not be broad based.


USA Today editorial from September 9, 2002, in which Clark wrote:
"Despite all of the talk of "loose nukes," Saddam doesn't have any, or, apparently, the highly enriched uranium or plutonium to enable him to construct them.

Unless there is new evidence, we appear to have months, if not years, to work out this problem."
http://www.usatoday.com/news/opinion/editorials/2002-09-09-oplede_x.htm


Interview with Gene Lyons and Buzzflash:
"Going all the way back to the summer of 2002, I got a sense of how strong his feelings about Iraq were. Long before it was clear that the administration was really going to sell a war on Iraq, when it was just a kind of a Republican talking point, early in the summer of 2002, Wesley Clark was very strongly opposed to it. He thought it was definitely the wrong move. He conveyed that we'd be opening a Pandora's box that we might never get closed again. And he expressed that feeling to me, in a sort of quasi-public way. It was a Fourth of July party and a lot of journalists were there, and there were people listening to a small group of us talk. There wasn't an audience, there were just several people around. There was no criticism I could make that he didn't sort of see me and raise me in poker terms. Probably because he knew a lot more about it than I did. And his experience is vast, and his concerns were deep."
http://www.buzzflash.com/interviews/03/10/int03221.html



On August 2, 2002, Clark said, regarding a possible invasion of Iraq, "We seem to have skipped some steps in the logic of the debate. And, as the American people are brought into this, they're asking these questions." CNN, 8/2/02

On August 29, 2002, Clark said regarding a proposed invasion of Iraq, "Well, taking it to the United Nations doesn't put America's foreign policy into the hands of the French. What you have to do as the United States is you have to get other nations to commit and come in with you, and so you've got to provide the evidence, and the convincing of the French and the French public, and the leadership elite. Look, there's a war fever out there right now in some quarters of some of the leadership elements in this country, apparently, because I keep hearing this sense of urgency and so forth. Where is that coming from? The vice president said that today he doesn't know when they're going to get nuclear weapons. They've been trying to get nuclear weapons for -- for 20 years.So if there's some smoking gun, if there's some really key piece of information that hasn't been shared publicly, maybe they can share it with the French." CNN, 8/29/02

On August 29, 2002, Clark said, regarding a possible invasion of Iraq and its aftermath, "I think -- but I think that underneath, what you're going to have is you're going to have more boiling in the street. You're going to have deeper anger and you're going to feed the recruitment efforts of Al Qaeda. And this is the key point, I think, that we're at here. The question is what's the greater threat? Three thousand dead in the World Trade Center and the Pentagon underscore the fact that the threat we're facing primarily is Al Qaeda. We have to work the Iraq problem around dealing with Al Qaeda. And the key thing about dealing with Al Qaeda is, we can't win that war alone." CNN, 8/29/02

On August 29, 2002, Clark said, regarding a possible invasion of Iraq, "My perspective would be I'd like to see us slow down the rush to go after Saddam Hussein unless there's some clear convincing evidence that we haven't had shared with the public that he's right on the verge of getting nuclear weapons. CNN, 8/29/02

On August 30, 2002, Clark said, regarding a possible invasion of Iraq, "Going after Iraq right now is at best a diversion, and at worst it risks the possibility of strengthening Al Qaeda and undercutting our coalition at a critical time. So at the strategic level, I think we have to keep our eye on the ball and focus on the number one strategic priority. There are a lot of other concerns as well, but that's the main one." CNN, 8/30/02

On August 30, 2002, Clark said, regarding a possible invasion of Iraq, "It seems that way to me. It seems that this would supercharge the opinion, not necessarily of the elites in the Arab world, who may bow to the inevitability of the United States and its power, but the radical groups in the Middle East, who are looking for reasons and gaining more recruits every time the United States makes a unilateral move by force. They will gain strength from something like this. We can well end up in Iraq with thousands of military forces tied down, and a worse problem in coping with a war on terror here in the United States or Europe, or elsewhere around the world." CNN, 8/30/02

September 16, 2002:
Clark said Congress shouldn't give a "blank check," to Use Force Against Iraq.

On September 16, 2002, Clark said, regarding Iraq and possible Congressional authorization to use force, "Don't give a blank check. Don't just say, you are authorized to use force. Say what the objectives are. Say what the limitations are, say what the constraints and restraints are. What is it that we, the United States of America, hope to accomplish in this operation?" CNN 9/16/02


WOODRUFF: How much difference does it make, the wording of these resolution or resolutions that Congress would pass in terms of what the president is able to do after?

CLARK: I think it does make a difference because I think that Congress, the American people's representatives, can specify what it is they hope that the country will stand for and what it will do.

So I think the -- what people say is, don't give a blank check. Don't just say, you are authorized to use force. Say what the objectives are. Say what the limitations are, say what the constraints and restraints are. What is it that we, the United States of America, hope to accomplish in this operation.

And I think that the support will be stronger and it will be more reliable and more consistent if we are able to put the specifics into the resolution.
http://transcripts.cnn.com/TRANSCRIPTS/0209/16/ip.00.html



On September 23, 2002, Clark said, regarding Iraq and possible Congressional authorization for the use of force, "When you're talking about American men and women going and facing the risk we've been talking about this afternoon... you want to be sure that you're using force and expending American blood and lives in treasure as the ultimate last resort. Not because of a sense of impatience with the arcane ways of international institutions." Senate Committee on Armed Forces 9/23/02
http://armedservices.house.gov/openingstatementsandpressreleases/107thcongress/02-09-26clark.html

On October 5, 2002, Clark said, regarding debate on Congressional authorization for war against Iraq, "The way the debate has emerged, it's appeared as though to the American people, at least to many that talk to me, as though the administration jumped to the conclusion that it wanted war first and then the diplomacy has followed."
All CNN quotes located here.... http://www.clark04.com/faq/iraq.html
CNN 10/5/02


Clark favored the Levin Amendment......which would have authorized exactly what Clark stated.

Did you also watch the linked video. Cause that might clarify what I just said.

But that is why some of those who voted "NAY" in the senate quoted Clark...while no one who voted for the IWR quote him.


KING: Why did you vote against?

KENNEDY: Well, I'm on the Armed Services Committee and I was inclined to support the administration when we started the hearings in the Armed Services Committee. And, it was enormously interesting to me that those that had been -- that were in the armed forces that had served in combat were universally opposed to going.

I mean we had Wes Clark testify in opposition to going to war at that time. You had General Zinni. You had General (INAUDIBLE). You had General Nash. You had the series of different military officials, a number of whom had been involved in the Gulf I War, others involved in Kosovo and had distinguished records in Vietnam, battle-hardened combat military figures. And, virtually all of them said no, this is not going to work and they virtually identified...

KING: And that's what moved you?

KENNEDY: And that really was -- influenced me to the greatest degree. http://transcripts.cnn.com/TRANSCRIPTS/0604/20/lkl.01.html


Sen. Levin said on the floor of the Senate BEFORE THE IWR VOTE when he submitted his own resolution:

"General Clark, the former NATO Supreme Allied Commander, who testified at the same hearing, echoed the views of General Shalikashvili and added "we need to be certain we really are working through the United Nations in an effort to strengthen the institution in this process and not simply checking a block."
http://www.truthout.org/docs_02/10.05B.levin.dont.p.htm

and the late great Sen. Paul Wellstone–
“As General Wes Clark, former Supreme Commander of Allied Forces in Europe has recently noted, a premature go-it-alone invasion of Iraq "would super-charge recruiting for Al Qaida."
http://www.wellstone.org/news/news_detail.aspx?itemID=2778&catID=298

Sen. Kent Conrad of North Dakota, who also voted NO....
“General Wesley Clark, the Former Supreme Allied Commander in Europe, put it succinctly, and I quote: "If we go in unilaterally or without the full weight of the international organizations behind us, if we go in with a very sparse number of allies....we're liable to super-charge recruiting for al Qaeda." Let me repeat that. General Clark warned us: "We're liable to super-charge recruiting for al Qaeda."”
http://www.senate.gov/~conrad/issues/statements/defense/defense_stmt_021011.html







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Flabbergasted Donating Member (1000+ posts) Send PM | Profile | Ignore Fri Mar-09-07 05:59 PM
Response to Reply #14
18. If you press the link you gave you get this....
Preemptive finding Prescient Gems-Clark's 2002 Iraq Congressional Testimony
Here are some of the actual statements made by Wesley Clark in September 2002, before congress-- Clark Testimony on Iraq

Pressing on the link takes you to the statement below....

It is very supportive of Bush's war on terror and Iraq which turned out to be a total fraud. So either Clark was fooled or an accomplice.

I've bolded key passages. Clark emphasizes more diplomacy as you mentioned, but he is clear in saying Saddam is a threat and must be removed with or without the UN. This as it turned out was an incorrect and disastrous statement.

Not only that but the following statement was taken completely out of context:

"We need to be ready because if suddenly Saddam Hussein's government collapses and we don't have everything ready to go, we're going to have chaos in that region. We may not get control of all the weapons of mass destruction, technicians, plans, capabilities; in fact, what may happen is that we'll remove a repressive regime and have it replaced with a fundamentalist regime which contributes to the strategic problem rather than helping to solve it."

With the bolded section added you end up with a completely different statement.


STATEMENT OF

GENERAL (RETIRED) WESLEY K. CLARK
United States Army

House Armed Services Committee

September 26, 2002



Mr. Chairman, Representative Skelton, Distinguished Members of this Committee, thank you for the opportunity to appear before you today. This is a Committee that has been strongly supportive of the men and women in uniform, and I want to thank you personally for the assistance and support that you gave me, and have given so many others.

In October 1994, Saddam Hussein moved several Republican Guards divisions back into the attack positions just north of the Kuwaiti border, the same attack positions that had been occupied just prior to Iraq’s invasion of Kuwait in 1990. It was a foolish and to our minds unexpected and threatening move. We quickly deployed additional military forces to the region, preparing to enter a full-fledged battle against Iraq to defend Kuwait, and we also went to the United Nations. After a few tense days Saddam backed off, the divisions were removed, and we acted through the United Nations to further tighten the no-fly zone and regulate Iraqi troop movements.

But it was a signal warning about Saddam Hussein: he is not only malevolent and violent, but also unpredictable. He retains his chemical and biological warfare capabilities and is actively pursuing nuclear capabilities. Were he to acquire such capabilities, we and our friends in the region would face greatly increased risks. Saddam might use such weapons as a deterrent while launching attacks against Israel or his neighbors, he might threaten American forces in the region, he might strike directly against Israel, or Israel, weighing the possibilities of nuclear blackmail or aggression, might feel compelled to strike Iraq first.

Saddam has been pursuing nuclear weapons for over twenty years. According to all estimates made available he does not now have these weapons. The best public assessment is that if he were to acquire fissionable material he might field some type of weapon within two years. If he has to enrich the uranium ore itself, then a period of perhaps five years might be required. But what makes the situation relatively more dangerous today is that the UN weapons inspectors, who provided some assistance in impeding his development programs, have been absent from Iraq for over four years. And the sanctions regime, designed to restrict his access to weapons materials and the resources needed to procure them, has continuously eroded. At some point, it may become possible for Saddam to acquire the fissionable materials or uranium ore that he needs. And therefore, Iraq is not a problem that can be indefinitely postponed.

In addition, Saddam Hussein’s current retention of chemical and biological weapons and their respective delivery systems violates the UN resolutions themselves, which carry the weight of international law.

Our President has emphasized the urgency of eliminating these weapons and weapons programs. I strongly support his efforts to encourage the United Nations to act on this problem. And in taking this to the United Nations, the President’s clear determination to act if the United Nations can’t provides strong leverage undergirding further diplomatic efforts.

But the problem of Iraq is only an element of the broader security challenges facing our country. We have an unfinished, world-wide war against Al Qaeda, a war that has to be won in conjunction with friends and allies, and that ultimately be won by persuasion as much as by force, when we turn off the Al Qaeda recruiting machine. Some three thousand deaths on September 11th testify to the real danger from Al Qaeda, and as all acknowledge, Al Qaeda has not yet been defeated. Thus far, substantial evidence has not been made available to link Saddam’s regime to the Al Qaeda network. And while such linkages may emerge, winning the war against Al Qaeda may well require different actions than ending the weapons programs in Iraq.


The critical issue facing the Unites States now is how to force action against Saddam Hussein and his weapons programs without detracting from our focus on Al Qaeda or efforts to deal with other immediate, mid and long-term security problems. In this regard, I would offer the following considerations:

- The United States diplomacy in the United Nations will be further strengthened if the Congress can adopt a resolution expressing US determination to act if the United Nations will not. The use of force must remain a US option under active consideration. The resolution need not at this point authorize the use of force, but simply agree on the intent to authorize the use of force, if other measures fail. The more focused the resolution on Iraq and the problem of weapons of mass destruction, the greater its utility in the United Nations. The more nearly unanimous the resolution, the greater its impact in the diplomatic efforts underway.

- The President and his national security team must deploy imagination, leverage, and patience in crafting UN engagement. In the near term, time is on our side, and we should endeavor to use the UN if at all possible. This may require a period of time for inspections or even the development of a more intrusive inspection program, if necessary backed by force. This is foremost an effort to gain world-wide legitimacy for US concerns and possible later action, but it may also impede Saddam’s weapons programs and further constrain his freedom of action. Yes, there is a risk that inspections would fail to provide the evidence of his weapons programs, but the difficulties of dealing with this outcome are more than offset by opportunity to gain allies and support in the campaign against Saddam.

If efforts to resolve the problem by using the United Nations fail, either initially or ultimately, the US should form the broadest possible coalition, including its NATO allies and the North Atlantic Council if possible, to bring force to bear. Force should not be used until the personnel and organizations to be involved in post-conflict Iraq are identified and readied to assume their responsibilities. This includes requirements for humanitarian assistance, police and judicial capabilities, emergency medical and reconstruction assistance, and preparations for a transitional governing body and eventual elections, perhaps including a new constitution. Ideally, international and multinational organizations will participate in the readying of such post-conflict operations, including the UN, NATO, and other regional and Islamic organizations.

Force should be used as the last resort; after all diplomatic means have been exhausted, unless information indicates that further delay would present an immediate risk to the assembled forces and organizations. This action should not be categorized as “preemptive.”

Once initiated, any military operation should aim for the most rapid accomplishment of its operational aims and prompt turnover to follow-on organizations and agencies.

If we proceed as outlined above, we may be able to minimize the disruption to the ongoing campaign against Al Qaeda, reduce the impact on friendly governments in the region, and even contribute to the resolution of other regional issues such as the Arab-Israeli conflict, Iranian efforts to develop nuclear capabilities, and Saudi funding for terrorism. But there are no guarantees. The war is unpredictable and could be difficult and costly. And what is at risk in the aftermath is an open-ended American ground commitment in Iraq and an even deeper sense of humiliation in the Arab world, which could intensify our problems in the region and elsewhere.

I look forward to answering questions and helping the Committee assess the costs and risks of the alternatives before us.



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Dr Fate Donating Member (1000+ posts) Send PM | Profile | Ignore Thu Mar-08-07 08:08 PM
Response to Original message
9. No way- the DLC, media & GOP told me he was "out of touch" and a "wacko"
And we know they would never lie. ;)
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Flabbergasted Donating Member (1000+ posts) Send PM | Profile | Ignore Thu Mar-08-07 08:10 PM
Response to Reply #9
10. Do you have a link?
:hippie:
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Dr Fate Donating Member (1000+ posts) Send PM | Profile | Ignore Thu Mar-08-07 08:13 PM
Response to Reply #10
12. Oh yeah- I forgot- the DLC & Hillary has always been against the war.
I guess you got me. ;)
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DemBones DemBones Donating Member (1000+ posts) Send PM | Profile | Ignore Thu Mar-08-07 11:13 PM
Response to Reply #12
16. And the media opposed the war, too. Don't you remember

how they begged * not to invade Iraq? :sarcasm:
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