Since early 2007, Obama has consistently run better in polls among white voters with college and (especially) post-graduate degrees, while Clinton has led among white voters without advanced education.
That division follows an upscale-downscale--or "wine track" and "beer track"--pattern that has frequently characterized Democratic presidential primaries since 1968http://www.nationaljournal.com/njmagazine/pi_20080503_9050.phpCentered on blue-collar whites, Latinos, and seniors, Clinton's coalition resembles those of previous "beer track" candidates such as Walter Mondale and her husband, Bill Clinton. Obama's coalition of young voters, independents, and well-educated whites resembles the following of earlier "wine track" candidates such as Gary Hart and Bill Bradley, with one key difference. While previous "wine track" candidates struggled with African-Americans, Obama is dominating among black voters.
Obama's new coalition has allowed him to seize the advantage over Clinton in the nomination race.
But the durability and magnitude of Clinton's edge among working-class white voters grounds her argument to Democratic superdelegates that she would be a stronger general election candidate. On the morning after Pennsylvania, Obama told radio host Roland Martin, "We have won the white blue-collar vote in a whole bunch of states." But that's not true, no matter how the white blue-collar vote is defined.
Most analysts define the working class as those voters without a four-year college degree. The Edison/Mitofsky National Election Pool has conducted exit polls in 29 primaries this year, and Clinton has outpolled Obama among white voters without a college degree in 26 of them, according to a compilation provided to National Journal by the NBC News elections unit. Obama has carried white noncollege voters only in Wisconsin, Vermont, and Utah; and Clinton didn't compete in the latter two. Obama has failed to attract even 40 percent of those voters in every other state except New Mexico, Virginia, and his home state of Illinois (where Clinton still narrowly carried noncollege whites).Obama's campaign prefers to look at voters by income, noting that he has carried voters earning less than $50,000 in more than a dozen states. But those results include his strong performance among African-Americans; his strength among recent college graduates just beginning their careers at lower pay also helps him here. Even so, according to figures provided by NBC News, Obama has carried white voters earning $50,000 or less annually in just four states: the same three where he carried noncollege whites plus Illinois.
Other Democratic-leaning analysts are more concerned that Obama's coalition may depend too heavily on affluent liberals and lower-income minorities, with a dangerous hole in the middle-income center.
"If you look at Obama's vote in Pennsylvania, you begin to see the outlines of the old George McGovern coalition that haunted the Democrats during the '70s and '80s," veteran liberal journalist John Judis wrote in a much-discussed New Republic article last week.
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Over the last week, an anonymous blogger who writes under the pseudonym Poblano did something bold on his blog, FiveThirtyEight.com. He posted predictions for the upcoming primaries based not on polling data, but on a statistical model driven mostly by demographic and past vote data. His model predicted a 17-point victory for Barack Obama in North Carolina and a 2-point edge for Hillary Rodham Clinton in Indiana.
http://www.nationaljournal.com/njonline/mp_20080507_8254.phpBut a funny thing happened. The model got it right.
What varies from primary to primary is less about the shifting allegiances of voters within these groups and more about differences in the demographic composition of each state.Consider some specific examples. The outcome of the North Carolina primary was wildly different than Ohio or Pennsylvania, yet non-college white voters favored Clinton by virtually identical margins in each state (+44 in Ohio, +41 in Pennsylvania, and +45 in North Carolina, according to the Edison/Mitofsky National Election Pool exit polls provided by NBC and ABC News). Clinton's margin was far narrower among college-educated whites in each state (+7 in Ohio, +10 in Pennsylvania and +7 in North Carolina). And Obama won near monolithic support from blacks in all three states (87 percent in Ohio, 90 percent in Pennsylvania, 91 percent in North Carolina).
The different overall outcomes owed mostly to the varying demographic composition of each state. Blacks and college-educated whites made up roughly two-thirds of the North Carolina electorate, but only about half of the voters in Ohio and Pennsylvania.All of which brings us to the underlying story of the Democratic presidential primaries. Since Super Tuesday, it has mostly been the story of what hasn't happened.
Over the last three months or so, for better or worse, the underlying coalitions of support for Obama and Clinton have remained largely constant.
So therein lies the bad news and the worse news for the Obama and Clinton campaigns, respectively. The bad news for the Obama campaign is that evidence of an expansion of his coalition is weak.I also asked SurveyUSA's Jay Leve how the model would have ranked on the scorecards he created to rate pollster accuracy in Indiana and North Carolina. Had it been a poll, Poblano's model would have been the top ranking "pollster" on 13 of 16 accuracy benchmarks applied in the two states.
Demographics are driving this primary, and to call Hillary a racist for pointing out the demographic breakdown is hysteria, plain and simple.