...'01 interview by Kent Worcester with Daniel Lazare where he speaks to the electoral college question:
http://www.wpunj.edu/newpol/issue30/lazare30.htm<snip>
KW: Some people have suggested that the Electoral College be reformed, that it be constituted on the basis of House of Representatives membership, thus doing away with the automatic two votes for the Senate. Is that the kind of reform that would make the Electoral College more responsive to the will of the majority?
DL: It would certainly be a step in the right direction, only a small step though. The important point is that it's unreformable. If at least seventeen states have their clout in presidential elections significantly magnified by the Electoral College, you can assume that at least thirteen states will veto any effort to do away with this undemocratic provision. It's unchangeable. You have a situation where a mechanism will simply not do the bidding of the democratic majority. A majority of the U.S. population lives in just nine states, believe it or not, and there's no way that those nine states can make their feelings known through these ancient, Madisonian mechanisms.
KW: Federalism implies that each state offers a distinctive political environment or political culture. Was that argument once true but is no longer true? And aren't there advantages to federalism in that it allows states to go in different directions and experiment with different kinds of policies?
DL: Well, I've never been much of a fan of pluralism. But first of all, to put this on a realistic footing, the question of each state having its own distinctive brand of politics was obviously a very self-serving argument from the point of view of those southern states in 1787 which already felt beleaguered and hemmed in by the more dynamic economies of the northern states. "Distinctive political cultures" was obviously a euphemism for the right to hold slaves in perpetuity. I'm all in favor of the concept of states as laboratories of democracy, but I'm not in favor of the idea of American-style federalism when it becomes a mechanism for fragmenting and atomizing the popular will and impeding the emergence of any kind of coherent, democratic point of view.
KW: Critics of constitutional reform say that if you give equal weight to all votes, if you nationalize the vote system, you will increase the scope for ballot fraud, and the scope for challenges to each and every vote.
DL: That's untrue -- if you nationalize the voting system, you nationalize the election system, which means first and foremost creating a nonpartisan, honest, federal mechanism for the conduct and oversight of elections. Americans would demand and presumably receive an honest, efficient mechanism for the conduct of elections from coast to coast. This is what other countries take for granted, but America is stuck with a nineteenth-century system based on an incredible fragmentation, a localist system of stupendous inefficiency just ripe for abuses and foul-ups. These people couldn't organize a two-car funeral, much less put together a coherent, meaningful, honest election.
KW: What about Nader? Although constitutional issues weren't at the heart of his campaign, he certainly raised democratic reforms, such as same-day registration, longer hours for voting, public financing of elections, and so on. Why didn't Nader get your vote as somebody who believes in constitutional and political reform?
DL: Well, I'm not a green, I'm a socialist, I'm a red, and I don't especially like Nader either personally or politically. I don't like the Green Party platform very much. I don't believe in decentralization. I think this election has shown the horrors of decentralization. I'm a democratic centralist who believes we have to put together efficient, centralized, democratic mechanisms for running society. Green talk about community control is really just pernicious nonsense, as I believe this election has shown.
KW: On the other hand, the Nader phenomenon went way beyond the actual Green platform. It opened up space for debate on all kinds of issues that the two parties were intent on keeping out of the political process.
DL: It represented a small opening-up, I agree, but I think it's still very important to cast a vote for the socialist alternative and to emphasize, as schismatic or sectarian as it sounds, the difference between a green and red critique of the American democratic process.
KW: So as a quote red, rather than a quote green, you would support the establishment of a parliamentary system? Can you do that within the framework of the Constitution, and are there voices on the political spectrum that now support a parliamentary system?
DL: The answer is no, you cannot move to a parliamentary system within the current framework. A parliamentary system rests on a completely different philosophy, a completely different concept of democracy. I would say rather that it rests upon democracy period, whereas the U.S. Constitution is a pre-democratic document that only incompletely, and contradictorily, incorporates democratic ideas. The Founders were living both on the edge of the modern era and on the edge of the modern world. People have argued as to whether they were conservative or radical; I think they were an extremely heterogeneous body, and I think in some ways they were very progressive in fighting for national unification. By the same token, they just lived in a different ideological world from our own. All sides of political debate in 1787 regarded democracy as a variant of mob rule, that democracy equaled anarchy equaled disorder. There was simply no concept of a democratic order emerging. This is a nineteenth century concept that derives from the Jacobins, the Utilitarians, and the Marxists, who in the 1870s in Germany invented the concept of the mass party. Any modern notion of parliamentarianism rests upon the principle of the demos establishing a coherent, rational order, something that the American system holds is the last thing democracy is capable of achieving.