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the deadline is felt to be poor judgement
but why is the rest not a change?
KENNEDY ON LEVIN IRAQ AMENDMENT (Floor statement as prepared for delivery)
FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE CONTACT: Laura Capps / Melissa Wagoner (202) 224-2633 Mr. President, I strongly support the Levin, Biden, Reid amendment on Iraq.
There are important differences between our amendment and the Republican alternative.
Our amendment expresses the clear sense of the Senate that U.S. military forces should not stay in Iraq indefinitely. The Republican amendment ducks that issue and endorses President Bush's open-ended commitment of our forces, saying that our troops "should not stay in Iraq any longer than required."
Although many of us disagree with the President about the war, we all honor the service and sacrifice and heroism of our brave men and women in Iraq. More than 2,000 American soldiers have been killed in combat in Iraq, and more than 15,000 have been wounded. The youngest was 18. The oldest was 59. Nearly three quarters were under 30.
They're the best of America, and we're proud of each and every one. Our armed forces are serving courageously in Iraq under enormously difficult circumstances, and the policy of our government must be worthy of their sacrifice. Unfortunately, it is not, and the American people know it. An open-ended commitment in Iraq is not in America's interest, and it's not in Iraq's interest either. The goal of our military should be to establish a legitimate functioning government, not to dictate it. If we want the new Iraqi government to succeed, we need to give Iraq back to the Iraqi people. We need to let Iraq make its own political decisions, without American interference. We need to train the Iraqi security forces, but we also need to reduce our own military presence. There is widespread recognition that our overwhelming military presence is inflaming the insurgency.
After the election of a permanent Iraqi Government, we should begin a substantial and continuing drawdown of U.S. forces.
If additional forces are necessary during our drawdown or when our drawdown is completed, they should have the support of the Iraqi people and United Nations and come from the international community. American troops can participate, but unlike the current force, it should not consist mostly of Americans or be led by Americans. All nations of the world have an interest in Iraq's stability and territorial integrity.
Defenders of President Bush's failed "stay the course" policy pretend that alternatives like this are a "cut and run" strategy. They are not.
Last February, General Abizaid said, "What makes it hard for the United States is that an overbearing presence, or a larger than acceptable footprint in the region, works against you. . . . " No one has accused him of cut and run.
Last July, General George Casey, Commanding General of the Multi-National Forces in Iraq talked about "fairly substantial reductions" of troops in 2006. No one has accused him of cut and run.
Just last month, America's Ambassador to Iraq, Zalmay Khalilzad, said, "It's possible that we could adjust our forces, downsizing them in the course of next year." No one has accused him of cut and run.
This month, Melvin R. Laird, Secretary of Defense in the Nixon Administration, wrote in the current issue of the journal Foreign Affairs: "Our presence is what feeds the insurgency," he writes, "and our gradual withdrawal would feed the confidence and the ability of average Iraqis to stand up to the insurgency." No one has accused him of cut and run.
Former Secretary Colin Powell's Chief of Staff has called foreign policy in the Bush Administration "a cabal" between the Vice President and Secretary of Defense. He said they made decisions in secret about Iraq, and that we are now "paying the consequences. There was no plan for post-war Iraq, and we're now paying the consequences."
In the latest display of secrecy, the Administration negotiated a one-year extension of our UN mandate without informing the Congress. That resolution was approved last week.
It hardly means the Administration feels we can accomplish our military objectives by the end of 2006. The UN action was clearly an attempt by the Administration to avoid a debate at this time about the duration and goals and effectiveness of our strategy in Iraq.
As our Ambassador to the U.N., John Bolton, said, the United States sought to extend the mandate "far in advance of the Iraqi election," so it "didn't become an issue in the election."
Secretary Rice testified in the Foreign Relations Committee on October 19, and she briefed members in closed session. Surely she could have mentioned that discussions about the fate of 150,000 American servicemen and women were under way with the international community.
Our Ambassador to Iraq briefed members in closed session on November 2. Surely, he could have addressed this issue as well.
We need to have an open and honest debate about our future military presence in Iraq. An open-ended commitment of our military forces does not serve America's best interest, and it does not serve the Iraqis' interest either.
The Administration cannot run from this debate forever.
Now that the UN mandate has been extended, the President needs to tell the American people the extent to which the international community will participate in the military operations in Iraq.
Ambassador Bolton said, "We thought it was also important to show the continuing international commitment to progress in Iraq."
I agree. But the American people want to know that the troops of the international community will be a part of that commitment as well. The international community is now contributing only 22,000 troops. U.S. forces comprise nearly 90% of all forces on the ground, and are suffering more than 90% of all coalition casualties. Our current misguided policy has turned Iraq into a quagmire with no end in sight. It's urgent for the Administration to adopt an honest and effective plan to end the violence and stabilize Iraq, so that our soldiers can begin to come home with dignity and honor.
Our men and women serving in Iraq need more than happy talk about future progress from the President. They need more than a public relations campaign.
Last Friday, President Bush outlined a new bumper sticker slogan for his misguided policy in Iraq -- "Strategy for Victory." But it's still the same failed strategy. He should have called it "Strategy for Quagmire."
Our men and women in uniform deserve better -- much better from this President, and so does the nation.
I urge my colleagues to support the Levin, Biden, Reid amendment.
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