Kerry did say his IWR was wrong in Oct 2005 in his Georgetown University speech - a month before Edwards' op-ed.
Because Kerry was never for the going to war when Bush did his rejection of his vote is necessarily more complex than Edwards'. Edwards in voting for the IWR actually did vote for going to war - and was a cheerleader for it throughout 2003. Edwards' vote and "I was wrong" together tell us nothing on his philosophical views on when war is justified - though he very clearly thinks Iraq was a mistake. I seriously don't know whether Edwards as President would have taken us to war, I know Kerry wouldn't have.
If you read the section on war in Kerry's Pepperdine speech, you can see why Kerry both states unequivically that his vote was wrong and summarizes why the vote was NOT a vote for war. Kerry's error was in thinking there were people (GHWB etc) or institutions (the UN) which could stall and possibly derail the war GWB was clearly already fighting for. He also trusted that on matters of war and peace, the President would not lie. Consider how sharp Kerry's comments on trusting Bush were in his torture speech - it is clear that Kerry profoundly regrets having his name on the IWR and will never trust Bush again.
The criterion Kerry enumerates that Bush publicly promised are needed for sensible foreign policy and are required to make this a "just war" as defined by St Augustine. Beyond even his Vietnam anti-war history, this goes to his core beliefs. Look at how many phrases here match Kerry's 2002 and beyond comments on Iraq.
In the Pepperdine speech, Kerry says:
"Augustine felt that wars of choice are generally unjust wars, that war -- the organized killing of human beings, of fathers, brothers, friends -- should always be a last resort, that war must always have a just cause, that those waging war need the right authority to do so, that a military response must be proportionate to the provocation, that a war must have a reasonable chance of achieving its goal and that war must discriminate between civilians and combatants.
In developing the doctrine of Just War, Augustine and his many successors viewed self-restraint in warfare as a religious obligation, not as a pious hope contingent on convincing one's adversaries to behave likewise.
<snip>
For me, the just war criteria with respect to Iraq are very clear:
sometimes a President has to use force to fight an enemy bent on using weapons of mass destruction to slaughter innocents. But no President should ever go to war because they want to -- you go to war only because you have to. The words "last resort" have to mean something .
In Iraq, those words were rendered hollow. It was wrong to prosecute the war without careful diplomacy that assembled a real coalition. Wrong to prosecute war without a plan to win the peace and avoid the chaos of looting in Baghdad and streets full of raw sewage. Wrong to prosecute a war without considering the violence it would unleash and what it would do to the lives of innocent people who would be in danger."
http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/20... As to Kerry's position on the IWR and the war itself:
Here's part of the reason given by Kerry in voting for the IWR,
"Let me be clear, the vote I will give to the President is for one reason and one reason only: To disarm Iraq of weapons of mass destruction, if we cannot accomplish that objective through new, tough weapons inspections in joint concert with our allies.
In giving the President this authority, I expect him to fulfill the commitments he has made to the American people in recent days — to work with the United Nations Security Council to adopt a new resolution setting out tough and immediate inspection requirements, and to act with our allies at our side if we have to disarm Saddam Hussein by force. If he fails to do so, I will be among the first to speak out.
If we do wind up going to war with Iraq, it is imperative that we do so with others in the international community, unless there is a showing of a grave, imminent — and I emphasize "imminent" — threat to this country which requires the President to respond in a way that protects our immediate national security needs.
Prime Minister Tony Blair has recognized a similar need to distinguish how we approach this. He has said that he believes we should move in concert with allies, and he has promised his own party that he will not do so otherwise. The administration may not be in the habit of building coalitions, but that is what they need to do. And it is what can be done. If we go it alone without reason, we risk inflaming an entire region, breeding a new generation of terrorists, a new cadre of anti-American zealots, and we will be less secure, not more secure, at the end of the day, even with Saddam Hussein disarmed.
Let there be no doubt or confusion about where we stand on this. I will support a multilateral effort to disarm him by force, if we ever exhaust those other options, as the President has promised, but I will not support a unilateral U.S. war against Iraq unless that threat is imminent and the multilateral effort has not proven possible under any circumstances"
In true fact, Kerry did not and would not vote for the nearly unilateral war of choice that occurred. Bush went against the promises he publicly made to get the votes. Kerry's Senate speech was absolutely consistent with things he said before the vote where he was as against the war as anyone and with his statement of his beliefs at Pepperdine.
Although Clinton usurped Kerry's reason in voting for the IWR for all Democrats except Lieberman, neither he or his wife or most Democrats who voted for the IWR spoke out against the war before it started or during the first few popular months - as Kerry did. That speaking out - promised in Kerry's floor speech - confirms he voted for the reasons given and should have made it clear it wasn't political. Had the war been a huge success, those comments would have labeled Kerry correctly as against the invasion.