Obama vs. Clinton: What Would Cesar Chavez Do?

http://www.beyondchron.org/articles/Obama_vs_Clinton_What_Would_Cesar_Chavez_Do__5288.html

by Randy Shaw‚ Jan. 22‚ 2008

When Barack Obama shouted “Yes We Can” in his New Hampshire concession speech, he invoked Cesar Chavez’s legendary rallying cry, “Si Se Puede.” In response, the Hillary Clinton campaign quickly turned to Dolores Huerta, Chavez’s longtime UFW ally, to undermine Obama’s effort to identify with the farmworkers movement. Huerta came to Nevada and proceeded to bash both Obama and the hotel workers union (UNITE HERE) that endorsed him. She was then joined by Chavez’s brother, Richard, in an attempt to send a strong message that Clinton -- not Obama -- would best carry out Cesar Chavez’s legacy. Latino voters went overwhelmingly for Clinton, and Huerta’s arguments may have helped. But the actual history of Chavez and the UFW in its heyday from 1968-1980 offers a different message. In each of these presidential primary elections, Chavez and the UFW defied the Establishment candidate to back a more progressive Democratic insurgent. And Chavez did so even when this meant bucking most of organized labor, and supporting an outsider against an incumbent Democratic President.


Clockwise from top: Cesar Chavez, Jerry Brown, George McGovern and Robert Kennedy


Since Cesar Chavez’s death in 1993, Dolores Huerta has toured the country encouraging the perpetuation of the farmworker leader’s legacy. But in Nevada last week, Huerta used her iconic status to attack the insurgent campaign of Barack Obama on behalf of the Establishment candidate Hillary Clinton -- an approach completely at odds with that taken by Cesar Chavez and the UFW at the height of its power.

In its first foray into presidential campaigns in 1968, Chavez and the UFW backed Robert Kennedy against the Establishment, pro-war and labor-backed Hubert Humphrey. The UFW did not simply endorse Kennedy -- the union played a leading role in Kennedy’s wining of the California primary, which could well have brought him the nomination had he not been assassinated after concluding his victory speech.

In 1972, Chavez and the UFW strongly backed insurgent progressive Senator George McGovern. This support for McGovern again put the farmworkers movement at odds with the AFL-CIO, but Chavez was not deterred from strongly backing the more progressive candidate. While McGovern was not elected, the 1972 Democratic Convention became a public relations coup for the UFW lettuce boycott, with state party leaders announcing their votes for McGovern along with their commitment to boycott non-union lettuce.

In 1976, Chavez and the UFW went all out for Jerry Brown even though the California Governor entered the Democratic presidential race after Jimmy Carter seemed to have it sown up. With Marshall Ganz heading the UFW’s crack organizing team, Brown won a string of primaries at the end of the season and, while not beating Carter, put himself on the national political map.


FULL story at link.

"Temo Figeroa is one field leader trying to make the leap. A longtime labor organizer, and the son of farm worker organizers, Figeroa, was hired away from the top political job at AFSCME to be the National Field Director for the Obama Campaign. Figeroa believes the new presidential field equation gives Obama a sharp advantage."

"This past weekend's Atlanta training was lead primarily by Harvard Professor Marshall Ganz, once a National Organizing Director of the United Farm Workers and now sought-after advisor to political campaigns, unions and NGOs. In 1968, Marshall Ganz dropped out of Harvard to join the civil rights movement. He returned to his hometown of Bakersfield California with "Mississippi Eyes" and was able to see for the first time the poverty, racism and injustice that had been around him his whole life. He joined Ceasar Chavez as a farm worker organizer and was mentored by figures from Saul Alinksy's community organizing movement. Ganz eventually returned to complete his undergraduate degree at Harvard, and then stuck around to earn a PhD and become a professor."

http://www.huffingtonpost.com/zack-exley/obama-field-organizers-pl_b_61918.html

as Chavez. As a community organizer in Chicago, Obama would have received very similar practical and ideological training as Chavez received from a Saul Alinsky organization when he first became an organizer. Obama comes from that tradition and is the more logical choice.

Obama used "Yes we can" as his US Senate campaign slogan as well. He didn't do that to pander to Hispanic voters. He did it because that reflects Obama's approach and philosophy. Chavez spoke about unity a lot too, and it didn't mean giving in to Republicans.