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Part One: Hardball (9-28-07)
Chris Matthews: Mario Cuomo was a three-term governor of New York. Governor Cuomo, thank you for joining us. What concerns you about the democratic field right now and what they’re doing in terms of Iran?
Mario Cuomo: Well, it’s what their not doing that concerns me most. What they’re not doing is learning from the terrible mistake we made in allowing the president to seize the war power and take us to war …. And in the Constitution today is something we ignored in Iraq. It says, Article 1, Section 8, the power to declare war belongs to the Congress. The difference is – and this is what was said at the convention and it’s common sense – you give it to one man, he may be mad. He may be an egotist. He may be misguided. Or, he might be stupid. …. Now, remember, the Founding Fathers gave the power to declare war to the Congress. That power cannot be delegated to the president. … And my goodness, the president you are talking about is the president who started a war with a mistaken context. Assuming he was telling the truth, and I will, he was wrong about the reason for it. He was wrong about the complicity. He was wrong about how many troops we needed. He was wrong about how we would be greeted when we got there. He was wrong about the civil war, wrong about how much it would cost, wrong about how long it would last, and now you’re saying maybe he can start another war. It’s a mistake. This is an opportunity for the Democrats to show real leadership, and the presidential candidates should lead the way." …
Chris Matthews: Thank you, Governor. You’re the first person since this war began to remind us of the Constitution.
A lot of DUers enjoyed watching Mario Cuomo on Hardball last Friday. For younger folks, it might have been their introduction to a man who was once considered a potential president or Supreme Court justice. For others, it was an opportunity to listen to the man who gave one of the most impressive speeches at a democratic national convention in 1984.
I watched the segment with my 13-year old daughter, who is horrified that there is any chance the country could become involved in another war. She said that the nation and indeed, the world, would be a better place if Mario Cuomo was president, rather than George Bush. Her interest in Governor Cuomo motivated me to get out some of my old files from when I met him a couple times on some Iroquois Confederacy issues.
In 1974, Mohawk traditionalists (the "Eastern Door" of the Iroquois’ Longhouse) began to occupy land in Herkimer County. They created a small community at Moss Lake, and for a couple of years, tensions grew.
A few years earlier, when the Onondaga (the Fire Keepers) had a stand-off with the state near Syracuse (John & Yoko were among the non-Indians who put their bodies on the line!), the previous governor sent the NYS Troopers from that stand-off to put down the Attica prison riot. Tadodaho Leon Shenandoah used to say the inmates there died from the bullets that had been aimed at Indians. These were strange days.
Governor Carey picked Mario Cuomo to deal with the Mohawks. I do not think there were many other politicians who could do what he did. He and the Mohawks reached a compromise, and everyone won. He displayed a manner of thinking far different from that of the "leaders" who advocate violence as a first resort, be it in Attica, Iraq, or Iran.
I showed my daughter a notebook full of newspaper articles and documents from the Office of the Governor of New York State from the times, long ago, when her father was a participant in other dealings with Cuomo and the Iroquois. One Gannett article mentioned the Governor coming over to me at a public ceremony for veterans, and telling me that he had appreciated something I had recently done for him. My daughter, like the Gannett reporter, asked me what I had done? I told both that it related to one of Cuomo’s favorite quotes, from the Rabbi Hillel the Elder: "If I am not for myself – who is for me? And if I am for myself alone – what am I?" (Rabbi Hillel lived in the time of Herod, and so his wisdom fits for life in the time of Bush2.)
Part Two: Diaries of Mario Cuomo (Random House; 1984; pages 148-9)
"It was inevitable, then, that the interested parties would recall what happened in 1977 when the whole matter of accepting the Liberal line and agreeing to remain on it came up again in 1982. Koch, the heavy early favorite for the Democratic party designation, argued that I was a ‘spoiler’ – that is, I was willing to ruin the Democrats’ chances in November (remember, no Democrat had ever won a general election without the Liberal line) because I refused to say I would ‘support the Democrat’ if unsuccessful in my party’s lists. ….
"Koch had moved much further to the right …capping his transition with his 1980 speech at the Democratic National Committee meeting in Baltimore, in which he attacked ‘traditional Democratic philosophy.’ He had also been perceived as sympathetic to Reagan in 1980, (and) had run as a Republican as well as a Democrat in the 1981 mayoral campaign ….Koch’s move to the right was perhaps suitable for a general election in New York, when Republicans and Conservatives vote, but the mayor decided not to press it in the Democratic primary, where respect for ‘traditional principles’ was still high …."
Ed Koch was an intelligent, capable politician in the 1960s and 1970s. He had been involved in anti-war protests and civil rights marches. I have things from the Rubin "Hurricane" Carter defense efforts in the 1970s, where the Honorable Edward Koch, US House of Representatives, was actively involved. However, he moved to the right along with the group known as the neoconservatives. He supported George W. Bush in 2004, and is backing Senator Clinton this year.
I think it is interesting to consider the comparisons within the democratic party today. Some of the issues are, from time to time, even found on this forum. Let’s look closer:
Cuomo is a strict Constitutionalist, although he is flexible in how he applies the law – he has spoken of being firm but compassionate. He recognizes that the Bush administration’s bringing the nation to war in Iraq was a gross error, and that even if the president was honest, others misled him. There should, in a Constitutional democracy, be consequences. That is, of course, the responsibility of the congress.
Cuomo speaks for many DUers as far as our democratic values and principles. And he recognizes that the party has been most successful when it appeals to those who are liberals, and not registered democrats, when it comes to both winning elections and leading the nation on important issues. He does not insist that the only "true" democrats are those who always and only vote exclusively for the party’s candidate – especially when, in good conscience, the voter recognizes that a specific candidate is a democrat in name, and a republican in practice.
We also have people who sincerely believe that the party benefits from ignoring the liberal non-democrats, and attempting to appeal to moderate republicans. Their views on the Constitution, as illustrated by their lack of support for calls for congress to investigate and impeach VP Cheney, are not firm, though they show compassion for those in the administration who lied this nation into war in Iraq. Some express offense that some members of the Democratic Underground are unsure of what lever they would press if the democratic nominee has voted repeatedly to fund the Bush-Cheney madness in Iraq. They have a list of excuses for why the democratic congress which was elected to end the war, is instead funding Bush’s surge in the war of occupation there. And they discount the possibility of war with Iran, or worse, take the position that it may be necessary.
Part Three: A Tale of Two Cities (Democratic National Convention; 7-16-1984)
"Ten days ago, President Reagan admitted that although some people in this country seemed to be doing well nowadays, others were unhappy, even worried, about themselves, their families, and their futures. The president said that he didn’t understand that fear. He said, ‘Why, this country is a shining city on a hill.’ And the president is right. In many ways we are a shining city on a hill.
"But the hard truth is that not everyone is sharing in this city’s splendor and glory. A shining city is perhaps all the president sees from the portico of the White House and the veranda of his ranch, where everyone seems to be doing well. But there’s another city; there’s another part to the shining city; the part where some people can’t pay their mortgages, and most young people can’t afford one, where students can’t afford the education they need, and middle-class parents watch the dreams they hold for their children evaporate.
"In this part of the city there are more poor than ever, more families in trouble, more and more people who need help but can’t find it. Even worse: there are elderly people who tremble in the basements of houses there. And people who sleep in the streets, in the gutter, where the glitter doesn’t show. There are ghettos where thousands of young people, without a job or an education, give their lives away to drug dealers every day. There is dispair, Mr. President, in the faces that you don’t see, in the places that you don’t visit in your shining city.
"In fact, Mr. President, this is a nation – Mr. President, you ought to know that this nation is more a ‘Tale of Two Cities’ than it is just a ‘Shining City on a Hill’."
Governor Cuomo’s 1984 speech is just as powerful and true today for many, many democrats at the grass roots level. We do not live in the exclusive shining neighborhoods, where the Bush policies may be viewed as mistaken, but where the pain they cause is not felt. We live in that other city, in the surrounding towns, and in the rural areas that Mario Cuomo represents.
When we watch the news, and hear about the latest congressional investment in the war in Iraq, and the drums of war in regard to Iran, we must in good conscience support that most liberal and progressive democratic candidates in the primaries. We demand that our leader, in the spirit of Mario Cuomo, not give a speech that brings crowds to their feet, but rather, deliver a message that brings this nation to its senses.
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