Already, there are complaints from the (Democratic) opponents of the legislation that the bill doesn't go far enough to end Bush's occupation. There are even those who are carping because the bill "won't stop the war."
The amazing thing is, most of these Democratic critics stood with those who turned their backs on the compromise bill and voted 'no'. If the majority had followed their lead today and merely registered a 'no' vote on Bush's supplemental, their action would have directed Bush to do NOTHING. All of the disaster and killing which is continuing behind Congress' action today would still be occurring behind a 'no' vote. Bush would then, not only be able to continue on, but *he'd then be able to blame Congress' withholding of funds for every mistake and shortfall that he, himself, is responsible for.
Criticism of the leadership's decision to provide their own funding bill and scrap Bush's is even more curious in the face of the 'progressive' approach by Rep. Lee and others which would provide their own 'funds' to effect the withdrawal envisioned in their plan.
Addressing some of the points of contention . . .1. The waivers in the legislation are points of administration accountability, not loopholes for Bush to continue his occupation. This administration already asserts some right they imagine to do what they want in the name of national security with each bill Bush signs. The provision in the Act requires Bush to come back to Congress and explain, on a unit-by-unit basis, why he needs to extend their tour of duty beyond the military standards already in place; instead of the automatic escalation Bush is taking advantage of now.
here's the provision:
( SEC. 1902. (a) Congress finds that it is Defense Department policy that Army, Army Reserve, and National Guard units should not be deployed for combat beyond 365 days or that Marine Corps and Marine Corps Reserve units should not be deployed for combat beyond 210 days.
(b) None of the funds appropriated or otherwise made available in this or any other Act may be obligated or expended to initiate the development of, continue the development of, or execute any order that has the effect of extending the deployment for Operation Iraqi Freedom of--
(1) any unit of the Army, Army Reserve, or Army National Guard beyond 365 days; or
(2) any unit of the Marine Corps or Marine Corps Reserve beyond 210 days.
(c) The limitation prescribed in subsection (b) shall not be construed to require force levels in Iraq to be decreased below the total United States force levels in Iraq prior to January 10, 2007.
(d) The President, by certifying in writing to the Committees on Appropriations and the Committees on Armed Services that the extension of a unit's deployment in Iraq beyond the periods specified in subsection (b) is required for reasons of national security and by submitting along with the certification a report in classified and unclassified form detailing the particular reason or reasons why the unit's extended deployment is necessary, may waive the limitations prescribed in subsection (b) on a unit-by-unit basis.
SEC. 1903. (a) Congress finds that it is Defense Department policy that Army, Army Reserve, and National Guard units should not be redeployed for combat if the unit has been deployed within the previous 365 consecutive days or that Marine Corps and Marine Corps Reserve units should not be redeployed for combat if the unit has been deployed within the previous 210 days.
(b) None of the funds appropriated or otherwise made available in this or any other Act may be obligated or expended to initiate the development of, continue the development of, or execute any order that has the effect of deploying for Operation Iraqi Freedom of--
(1) any unit of the Army, Army Reserve, or Army National Guard if such unit has been deployed within the previous 365 consecutive days; or
(2) any unit of the Marine Corps or Marine Corps Reserve if such unit has been deployed within the previous 210 consecutive days.
(c) The limitation prescribed in subsection (b) shall not be construed to require force levels in Iraq to be decreased below the total United States force levels in Iraq prior to January 10, 2007.
(d) The President, by certifying in writing to the Committees on Appropriations and the Committees on Armed Services that the redeployment of a unit to Iraq in advance of the periods specified in subsection (b) is required for reasons of national security and by submitting along with the certification a report in classified and unclassified form detailing the particular reason or reasons why the unit's redeployment is necessary, may waive the limitations prescribed in subsection (b) on a unit-by-unit basis.http://www3.capwiz.com/c-span/webreturn/?url=http://thomas.loc.gov/cgi-bin/query/z?c110:H.R.1591:The standard in the legislation for extending their tours is whether 'national security' is at stake. It should be easy enough for Congress to make that determination whether national security is threatened by limiting these soldiers' tours to the military standard. At that point Congress will be challenged to either 'waive' Bush by, or act to restrain him. This isn't the republican rubber-stamp majority. I expect those members who have objected to this provision to step up and demand congressional action to confront Bush at the point where he attempts to bypass the bill's restrictions.
2. This is a political process which has just allowed the rebuke of Bush's occupation to pass the first hurdle on the way to Bush's desk, but it is not just a symbolic act. There is a dual process in the Senate, led by Sen. Robert Byrd who led the opposition to the original IWR and coined the phrase, blank-check to describe the effect of the resolution. Byrd's bill will be reconciled with the House legislation if it manages to pass out of the Senate. That's the point where we will determine what's going to be left in the final bill and what gets chucked. This bill is a down-payment toward that Senate effort. It is a beginning, not an end to the process.
3. The notion, by some of the bill's continuing critics, that the Democrats who lobbied and voted for the legislation were any less courageous than the ones who stood against the bill should have been laid to rest as our Democratic leadership stood toe to toe against the insults of the republican opposition. Bush and his enablers certainly don't see this bill as a license to continue their occupation.
here's the provision that some claim is a loophole allowing Bush to continue his occupation indefinitely:
(f) After the conclusion of the 180-day period for redeployment specified in subsections (c) and (d), the Secretary of Defense may not deploy or maintain members of the Armed Forces in Iraq for any purpose other than the following:
(1) Protecting American diplomatic facilities and American citizens, including members of the U.S. Armed Forces.
(2) Serving in roles consistent with customary diplomatic positions.
(3) Engaging in targeted special actions limited in duration and scope to killing or capturing members of al-Qaeda and other terrorist organizations with global reach.
(4) Training members of the Iraqi Security Forces.Nothing in the provision gives Bush the sole power to determine any of these. Congress will still be in place to challenge any assertion that troops are needed to address these concerns. This provision spells that out for the skeptical:
It is the sense of Congress that, because the commanders of the United States Armed Forces in Iraq have the training, experience, and first-hand knowledge of the situation on the ground--
(1) the commanders should be allowed to conduct the war and manage the movements of the troops; and(2)
Congress should remain focused on executing its oversight role. Republicans were directly rebuffed today by the passage of this Iraq withdrawal bill and were left to complain about money appropriated for American farmers, veterans, and children. Democrats stood tall in the debate as they outlined the assistance the bill provided the troops who have been neglected and over-burdened by the indifference of Bush's congressional enablers.
from Murtha:
"The emergency supplemental appropriations bill provides more than was requested by the President for our troops and veterans. Significant increases are added to address military readiness and force protection equipment shortfalls, and service members’ health and housing needs. The bill provides an additional $1.2 billion to re-focus our efforts in Afghanistan, where al Qaeda and the Taliban are regrouping.
The bill also includes money that the President did not request for the health and well-being of our war fighter. This includes: $450 million for Post Traumatic Stress Disorder/Counseling; $450 million for Traumatic Brain Injury care and research; $730 million to offset the Administration’s insurance premium increase to our troops and their families; $62 million for amputee care for our returning war fighters; $14.8 million for burn care; and provides funding for the creation of a new program that will provide support for those who are taking care of our severely wounded in military hospitals around the world."
“As Americans, we have a responsibility to ensure that our men and women in uniform, who have sacrificed so much in this time of war, receive the care they rightfully deserve,” added Murtha.No one should now doubt that this Congress intends to come together to hold Bush accountable for continuing his occupation. This Congress has clearly demanded an end to the occupation by a date certain. The members who stood with the leadership and provided the votes for passage of this Iraq withdrawal bill will go down in history as the first wave of the assault on Bush's militarism. This is the first meaningful step toward ending the Iraq occupation that has advanced since the initial invasion. This Congress deserves our thanks and praise for their dogged determination and success in moving this substantial rebuke of Bush's occupation forward.
http://journals.democraticunderground.com/bigtree