What do our opponents mean when they apply to us the label “liberal”? …. If by liberal they mean someone who welcomes new ideas without rigid reactions, someone who cares about the welfare of the people – their health, their housing, their schools, their jobs, their civil liberties…. If that is what they mean by a liberal, then I’m proud to say I’m a liberal – John F. Kennedy,
accepting the nomination for President from the New York Liberal Party, less than two months before he was elected our 35th President.
The 1960s was a time of great promise in the United States. It was a time when the word “liberal” was not a word that most politicians shunned. It began with the election of a President (John F Kennedy) who made the greatest effort to end to the Cold War of any U.S. President during its forty some year history and who aggressively
challenged the military industrial complex as no U.S. President has done before or since. It was characterized by great progress in civil rights, including the
Civil Rights Act of 1964 and the
Voting Rights Act of 1965, spurred by two U.S. Presidents (Kennedy and Lyndon Johnson) and by perhaps the greatest civil rights leader our country has ever known (Martin Luther King). And it featured perhaps the greatest Attorney General in our country’s history (Robert F. Kennedy) – the only U.S. Attorney General to aggressively fight organized crime.
But our three great heroes of that era were all assassinated, and subsequently the great promise of that era died out, to be replaced in the 1980s by almost three decades of
right wing reaction that saw levels of
income inequality rise to unprecedented levels, our military budget rise to
almost equal that of the rest of the world combined, our rate of incarceration rise to
the highest in the world, and a so-called “War on Terror” that threatens to become permanent and turn our republic into an empire.
Some may still believe that the assassinations of the three icons of that era who perhaps most symbolized its promise are some sort of accident of history, with no relationship to each other. But the 2008 book, “
Legacy of Secrecy – The Long Shadow of the JFK Assassination – Robert Kennedy, National Security, the Mafia, and the Assassination of Martin Luther King”, by Lamar Waldron with Thom Hartmann, challenges that belief with 771 pages of detailed explanation supported by a ton of references.
Consideration of the words and actions of these three great men in the last months or days prior to their assassinations can serve to remind us of how things might have turned out for us (and still might turn out some day).
LAST WORDS AND ACTIONS OF THE 1960s MARTYRS
John F KennedyJFK on civil rightsIn domestic affairs, JFK is best known for his stand on civil rights.
On several occasions he employed federal troops to the South to advance the cause of civil rights. In June 1963, after employing federal marshals to Alabama to
confront George Wallace’s attempt to block the admission of two African-American students to the University of Alabama, President Kennedy gave one of the greatest
civil rights speeches ever, during which he proposed what became the
Civil Rights Act of 1964 following his death. Here are some excerpts:
I hope that every American, regardless of where he lives, will stop and examine his conscience about this and other related incidents. This Nation was founded… on the principle that all men are created equal, and that the rights of every man are diminished when the rights of one man are threatened.
The Negro baby born in America today… has about one-half as much chance of completing a high school as a white baby born in the same place… a life expectancy which is 7 years shorter…
JFK’s quest for peaceIn
this post I explain how JFK repeatedly stood up against the efforts of his military and CIA to lead him into war. In
this post I specifically discuss how he repeatedly resisted the advice of his military or CIA to lead him into war with Cuba.
JFK’s peace speech at American UniversityThen, a few months before he was assassinated, JFK gave a great and radical
speech on behalf of peace that probably seemed terribly threatening to the military industrial complex. This speech was unprecedented in its emphasis on peace by a major U.S. political figure since the onset of the Cold War. Few people knew about the speech before he gave it, and he didn’t discuss it at all with his military because he knew that they would lobby against it. It is inconceivable that this speech was intended to win votes. To the contrary, it posed grave political risks. He talked about how the presence of nuclear weapons meant that that we MUST make peace a priority:
I speak of peace because of the new face of war. Total war makes no sense in an age when great powers can maintain large and relatively invulnerable nuclear forces and refuse to surrender without resort to those forces. It makes no sense in an age when a single nuclear weapon contains almost ten times the explosive force delivered by all of the allied air forces in the Second World War. It makes no sense in an age when the deadly poisons produced by a nuclear exchange would be carried by the wind and water and soil and seed to the far corners of the globe and to generations unborn.
In marked contrast to the prevailing tough anti-Communist rhetoric of the day, Kennedy spoke of the need for Americans to examine
their own attitudes:
Some say that it is useless to speak of world peace or world law or world disarmament – and that it will be useless until the leaders of the Soviet Union adopt a more enlightened attitude. I hope they do. I believe we can help them do it. But I also believe that we must re-examine our own attitude – as individuals and as a Nation – for our attitude is as essential as theirs. And every graduate of this school, every thoughtful citizen who despairs of war and wishes to bring peace, should begin by looking inward – by examining his own attitude toward the possibilities of peace, toward the Soviet Union, toward the course of the Cold War and toward freedom and peace here at home.
First let us examine our attitude toward peace itself. Too many of us think it is impossible. Too many of us think it is unreal. But that is dangerous, defeatist belief. It leads to the conclusion that war is inevitable – that mankind is doomed – that we are gripped by forces we cannot control…
He even sought to humanize, rather than demonize, our adversary:
Let us re-examine our attitude toward the Soviet Union… It is discouraging to think that their leaders may actually believe what their propagandists write… But it is also a warning – a warning to the American people not to fall into the same trap as the Soviets, not to see only a distorted and desperate view of the other side, not to see conflict as inevitable, accommodations as impossible and communication as nothing more than an exchange of threats. No government or social system is so evil that its people must be considered as lacking in virtue…
He spoke of the need for international cooperation and institutions:
Meanwhile, we seek to strengthen the United Nations, to help solve its financial problems, to make it a more effective instrument of peace, to develop it into a genuine world security system -- a system capable of resolving disputes on the basis of law, of insuring the security of the large and the small, and of creating conditions under which arms can finally be abolished. There can be no doubt that if all nations could refrain from interfering in the self-determination of others, then peace would be much more assured. This will require a new effort to achieve world law – a new context for world discussions. It will require increased understanding between the Soviets and ourselves. And increased understanding will require increased contact and communications….
And then he came to the practical matters – the topic that the hawks and arms merchants so hated – detailing numerous concrete steps that he intended to take to put his peace plans into action:
We have also been talking in Geneva about other first-step measures of arms control, designed to limit the intensity of the arms race and to reduce the risks of accidental war. Our primary long-range interest in Geneva, however, is general and complete disarmament – designed to take place by stages, permitting parallel political developments to build the new institutions of peace which would take the place of arms….
The one major area of these negotiations where the end is in sight – yet where a fresh start is badly needed – is in a treaty to outlaw nuclear tests. The conclusion of such a treaty – so near and yet so far – would check the spiraling arms race in one of its most dangerous areas. It would place the nuclear powers in a position to deal more effectively with one of the greatest hazards which man faces in 1963, the further spread of nuclear arms. It would increase our security – it would decrease the prospects of war…. I am taking this opportunity, therefore, to announce two important decisions in this regard….
The aftermath of Kennedy’s peace speechKhrushchev declared Kennedy’s speech the greatest of any American President since Roosevelt. And for the first time he allowed an American Presidential speech to be rebroadcast in the Soviet Union.
Six weeks later, Kennedy announced to the American people the
first nuclear test ban treaty between the United States and the Soviet Union. With an extensive public campaign and help from his Secretary of Defense and General Maxwell Taylor, the head of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, Kennedy prevailed upon the Senate to ratify the treaty.
Kennedy then undertook
secret negotiations with Fidel Castro in an attempt to come to an accommodation with him.
Martin Luther KingMartin Luther King’s fight against racial discrimination made an indelible mark on the world, for which he will be remembered and loved as long as the human species exists. Yet, while celebrating his life and mourning his death, our corporate media largely neglects the last three years of his life.
An article by Jeff Cohen and Norman Solomon explains why. The fundamental problem that our corporate media has with the last three years of King’s life is that he questioned the fundamental priorities of our country – which of course is a forbidden topic for our corporate news media.
King on economic justiceKing maintained that civil rights laws were empty without "human rights" – including economic rights. For people too poor to eat at a restaurant or afford a decent home, King said, anti-discrimination laws were hollow…
King developed a class perspective. He decried the huge income gaps between rich and poor, and called for "radical changes in the structure of our society" to redistribute wealth and power. "True compassion," King declared, "is more than flinging a coin to a beggar; it comes to see that an edifice which produces beggars needs restructuring."
King on the Vietnam WarKing also became one of our country’s foremost critics of the Viet Nam War and U.S. foreign policy in general:
King called the United States "the greatest purveyor of violence in the world today." … From Vietnam to South Africa to Latin America, King said, the U.S. was "on the wrong side of a world revolution." King questioned "our alliance with the landed gentry of Latin America," and asked why the U.S. was suppressing revolutions "of the shirtless and barefoot people" in the Third World, instead of supporting them.
In foreign policy, King also offered an economic critique, complaining about "capitalists of the West investing huge sums of money in Asia, Africa and South America, only to take the profits out with no concern for the social betterment of the countries."
King’s last (and perhaps greatest) speech – April 3, 1968 – the day before his assassinationPerhaps King’s
greatest speech was given on April 3, 1968, the evening prior to his assassination. Perhaps knowledge of his impending death served as the incitement for this speech. The content of the speech certainly points towards an awareness of his impending death. After talking about his many brushes with death as a civil rights leader, King said “I don’t know what will happen now”, as he appeared to be fighting back tears:
We’ve got some difficult days ahead. But it really doesn’t matter with me now… because I’ve been to the mountain top… Like anybody, I would like to live – a long life – longevity has its place. But I’m not concerned about that now. I just want to do God’s will. And he’s allowed me to go up the mountain… and I’ve looked over. And I have seen the Promised Land. And I may not get there with you, but I want you to know tonight that we as a people will get to the Promised Land! ... So I’m happy tonight. I’m not worried about anything. I’m not worried about any man. Mine eyes have seen the glory of the coming of the Lord!
Robert F KennedyAs was true of all the Kennedy brothers, Bobby led a privileged life from the day he was born, and for a long time he did not much understand the problems of the less privileged. But as Attorney General during his brother’s Presidency he became a
fervent supporter of civil rights, as well as perhaps the most aggressive
pursuer of organized crime of any Attorney General in U.S. history. He said in a 1962 interview that Civil Rights was his most important task. Concerning the
Brown v. Board of Education U.S. Supreme Court decision, which outlawed segregation in our schools, he said in a
speech in Georgia:
RFK on poverty in America“Legacy of Secrecy” details Bobby’s conversion from someone who hardly understood that poverty was a major problem in our country to a national leader against poverty:
After listening to shocking testimony about hunger and poverty at his hearings in Jackson, Bobby had insisted on seeing the conditions for himself. … Cameras were rolling as Bobby made an impromptu visit to dilapidated Delta shacks that housed poverty-stricken families. The cameras recorded Bobby’s barely contained surprise and concern when the New York Senator asked a young boy what he’d eaten for lunch – and the boy said he hadn’t had anything to eat…
Bobby noticed a little boy with his tummy sticking out. Bobby picked up the boy and said, “My God, I didn’t know this kind of thing existed. How can a country like this allow it?” When Bobby was unable to get a response from the starving child, and associate says that Bobby soon had “tears… running down his cheek and he just sat there and held the little child”…
Bobby told nine of his ten children that “in Mississippi a whole family lives in a shack the size of this room. The children are covered with sores and their tummies stick out because they have no food. Do you know how lucky your are?” … What he had seen continued to torment him, and the following night, Bubby could no longer contain himself. He exploded in self-incrimination, telling the wife of an aide, “You don’t know what I saw! Everything I have done was worthless!”
Bobby channeled the shock of what he saw in Mississippi, and the lingering pain of losing his brother, into a new cause the re-energized him. Poverty, and all the ills that flowed from it, became his cause, his crusade. He pressured Congress and LBJ to increase funding for food programs… Bobby made a high profile appearance on NBC’s Meet the Press, proclaiming, “If we can append $24 billion for the freedom and liberty of the people in ‘Vietnam, certainly we can spend a small percentage of that for the liberty and the freedom and the future of our own people in the United States.” Bobby reached out to Martin Luther King, saying in a letter to him that when it came to the issues of poverty and hunger,” I cannot agree with you more that something must be done. If you have any suggestions, I would appreciate hearing from you.”…
Bobby’s determination to aid the poor only increased when the New York senator found appalling conditions among migrant laborers in his own state… Bobby’s little-publicized discovery of horrible conditions in New York showed him that the plight of the poor was a national problem that needed national solutions. To Bobby, migrant-worker issues, civil rights, poverty, and even Vietnam were all one cause – that of standing up for the less fortunate who were held down by laws or force….
Bobby’s growing public status as a champion of the down-trodden only fueled the hatred directed at him by the far Right and extreme conservatives…
RFK speech just after the assassination of Martin Luther King – April 4, 1968Martin Luther King was assassinated while RFK was a U.S. Senator from New York and was campaigning for the presidency. “Legacy of Secrecy” describes the situation in which he found himself following King’s assassination, just about two months prior to his own assassination.
Police officials were worried about a riot, so Bobby was advised to cancel his appearance. He went anyway, despite the fact that his police escort left as soon as he reached the predominantly black part of Indianapolis… It must have been a daunting prospect for a white politician to face an African American crowd and tell them their greatest and most beloved leader had just been shot and killed. But Bobby delivered what was perhaps his
greatest speech – and without the aid of teleprompters or spin doctors:
“Ladies and gentlemen… I’m only going to talk to you just for a minute or so this evening, because I have some – some very sad news for all of you… I think, sad news for all of our fellow citizens, and people who love peace all over the world, and that is that Martin Luther King was shot and was killed tonight in Memphis, Tennessee.”
Gasps, screams, and cries arose from the audience. Bobby continued, saying that
King dedicated his life to love and to justice between fellow human beings. He died in the cause of that effort… For those of you who are black – considering the evidence… that there were white people who were responsible – you can be filled with bitterness, and with hatred, and a desire for revenge… Or we can make an effort, as Martin Luther King did, to understand, and to comprehend, and replace that violence, that stain of bloodshed that has spread across our land, with an effort to understand, compassion, and love.
Ted Kennedy’s reaction to the deaths of the martyrs“Legacy of Secrecy” describes
the reaction of the youngest of the Kennedy brothers to the early and tragic death of his third brother:
On June 6, 1968, a grieving Senator Edward Kennedy summed up the feelings of many Americans about the murder of his brother. … To NBC TV newsman Sander Vanocur… “Edward Kennedy had remonstrated bitterly about the ‘faceless men’ who had been charged with the slayings of his brothers and Martin Luther King… always faceless men with no apparent motive. ‘There has to be more to it,’ Ted Kennedy had told Vanocur”.
CONCLUSION -- A BRIEF SYNOPSIS OF “LEGACY OF SECRECY” AND OUR CURRENT STATUSI must acknowledge that the great mass of detail in “Legacy of Secrecy” makes it a difficult book to read.
The authors point to the mafia, specifically Carlos Marcello, Santo Trafficante, and Johnny Rosselli as the major culprits. The Kennedy administration was highly adverse to their interests. Intertwined with the culpability of the mafia were CIA plots to assassinate Fidel Castro.
One of those plots, sanctioned by President Kennedy (while he simultaneously
pursued an accommodation with Castro which would have precluded the need for assassination), involved the replacement of Castro with the highly respected Cuban general, Juan Almeida. The Kennedy administration worked with relatively liberal Cuban leaders on this plot, and excluded the mafia from any involvement in it.
But simultaneously, rogue elements in the CIA, including future CIA Director Richard Helms, who was then in charge of CIA covert operations and the second most powerful figure in the CIA, were spinning their own, unauthorized plans for overthrowing Castro. These plans involved radical right wing Cuban elements and numerous mafia figures, and resulted in access of these mafia figures to the Kennedy administration’s authorized plan as well. It was the access to these Castro assassination plots that allowed the mafia figures to turn them around and utilize them to assassinate JFK.
The precise details of how this was done are not clear – though abundant evidence is provided for mafia involvement. It is also not at all clear from the book to what extent the “rogue elements” in the CIA were involved in the JFK assassination. It appears evident that the CIA Director, John McCone, was not involved. But the extent to which others, including Helms, were involved is far from clear and is likely to remain far from clear for a long time to come, due largely to the fact that over a million relevant files remain classified (or destroyed) to this day. The authors summarize the current status of the three assassinations in the final two pages of their book:
As “Legacy of Secrecy” has shown for the first time, releasing those JFK files – and their information about Marcello, Milteer (the white supremacist who contracted with the mafia to kill King), and Rosselli – is also crucial to fully resolve Martin Luther King’s assassination… Fully releasing all the JFK files, as required by law might also answer lingering questions about Robert Kennedy’s assassination. Congress has never taken any action regarding the CIA’s deliberate 1978 deception of the
House Select Committee on Assassinations… Most current members of the House and Senate are unaware that the
1992 JFK Act failed to dislodge over a million relevant files, or that the Secret Service admitted destroying important files after the Act was passed.
It’s difficult to envision how federal agencies will take future Congressional investigations seriously when they continue to flout the will of Congress by withholding so many files whose release is required by law. The amount of material yet to be declassified is vast… The most obvious example is the hundreds of hours of Marcello tapes recorded in 1985. Other pressing files that need to be released include the relevant files of all those individuals who have confessed to JFK’s assassination:
Marcello, Trafficante, Rosselli, David Morales, and John Martino.