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Since I went off on Gravel folks for his "fair tax" plan, here's for supporters of IWR "yea" folks

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jpgray Donating Member (1000+ posts) Send PM | Profile | Ignore Mon Apr-30-07 11:29 PM
Original message
Since I went off on Gravel folks for his "fair tax" plan, here's for supporters of IWR "yea" folks
A "yea" vote on IWR, even in 2002 when most people thought Saddam had WMD (unless they read the UN documents thoroughly and/or listened to Scott Ritter) is still a wrongheaded, nakedly political, vote.

Before I begin let's be clear that not all "nays" came from the best place. A good example is the lionization of Bob Graham for his negative vote. Let's not forget his "nay" vote came with the caveat: "The reason is that this resolution is too timid." His statements justifying his vote, if you've read them, indicate the resolution didn't go far enough. Thanks Bob.

Next, no one should be written off exclusively for this vote. The politicians involved were rightly afraid that a vote against would be politically dangerous -in the 2002 climate-. Of course afterwards, that which seemed brave but politically suicidal became both brave and extremely wise. Also, there was little evidence that Bush would completely blow off any and all diplomatic solutions, especially based on his comments in the 2000 debates. Trusting Bush to that extent however should remain a black mark on any politician's record. It shouldn't totally debase all else in a politician's career, however.

Now for the problems of the IWR. No president should be trusted with such open-ended power, and Congress has to be weaned off ceding its Consitutional responsibilities to the Executive Branch. The authorization was not limited to Iraq, nor was it limited to the enforcement of existing UN resolutions. This sort of open-ended authorization is incredibly dangerous. The Biden/Lugar bill at least would have remitted most of the open-endedness of the bill, so support for that is good to note.

Second, the president made a propagandistic, emotional, but necessarily fact-starved case for war, especially considering this was a preemptive war. Not quite being convinced by that shaky case was a sign of intelligence, caution, and the general ability to remain unswayed by some very strong political winds. "But Bush needed the threat of force to compel Saddam to cooperate!" Fine. In that case Congress should itself have legislated itself the right to decide whether or not Saddam was being cooperative pursuant to its constitutional duties rather than having a single man and his administration fulfill that role. While Biden-Lugar had some fig-leaf accountability requirements (various reports required to Congress, etc.), it was not particularly good in this area either.

Make sense? So support those candidates all you wish, but let's not try to justify a very wrongheaded "yea" on the IWR. Don't totally write those people off, either, though. It's not wholly a black and white issue.
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Jacobin Donating Member (1000+ posts) Send PM | Profile | Ignore Mon Apr-30-07 11:36 PM
Response to Original message
1. I'll chime in by disputing one sentence:
"also, there was little evidence that Bush would completely blow off any and all diplomatic solutions"

I believe that completely ignores the reality of that time. EVERYONE knew that Bush couldn't wait to get his war going. EVERYONE. He had a couple hundred thousand troops in the area, bribed a few countries to be a 'coalition partner', including many who refused to be named publicly, tried desperately to get the UN to sanction it and when they wouldn't pulled a temper tantrum and did it anyway.

Anyone who thinks Bush wasn't determined to invade Iraq when the IWR vote took place was asleep.
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jpgray Donating Member (1000+ posts) Send PM | Profile | Ignore Mon Apr-30-07 11:45 PM
Response to Reply #1
2. True, but remember all the talk from Bush at that time was about UN solutions
Edited on Mon Apr-30-07 11:45 PM by jpgray
Such as this from September of that year:

The United States helped found the United Nations. We want the United Nations to be effective, and respectful, and successful. We want the resolutions of the world's most important multilateral body to be enforced. And right now those resolutions are being unilaterally subverted by the Iraqi regime. Our partnership of nations can meet the test before us, by making clear what we now expect of the Iraqi regime.

If the Iraqi regime wishes peace, it will immediately and unconditionally forswear, disclose, and remove or destroy all weapons of mass destruction, long-range missiles, and all related material.

If the Iraqi regime wishes peace, it will immediately end all support for terrorism and act to suppress it, as all states are required to do by U.N. Security Council resolutions.

If the Iraqi regime wishes peace, it will cease persecution of its civilian population, including Shi'a, Sunnis, Kurds, Turkomans, and others, again as required by Security Council resolutions.

If the Iraqi regime wishes peace, it will release or account for all Gulf War personnel whose fate is still unknown. It will return the remains of any who are deceased, return stolen property, accept liability for losses resulting from the invasion of Kuwait, and fully cooperate with international efforts to resolve these issues, as required by Security Council resolutions.

If the Iraqi regime wishes peace, it will immediately end all illicit trade outside the oil-for-food program. It will accept U.N. administration of funds from that program, to ensure that the money is used fairly and promptly for the benefit of the Iraqi people.

If all these steps are taken, it will signal a new openness and accountability in Iraq. And it could open the prospect of the United Nations helping to build a government that represents all Iraqis -- a government based on respect for human rights, economic liberty, and internationally supervised elections.
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sandnsea Donating Member (1000+ posts) Send PM | Profile | Ignore Mon Apr-30-07 11:57 PM
Response to Reply #2
5. What he said in 2002
Bush was saying he had no intention of going to war at that time, that the IWR was not a vote for war. It is clear that he was lying now that we have the DSM, the conversion of funds from Afghanistan to Iraq, and Tommy Franks' orders to create a war plan that included a quiet build-up, which was actually being implemented while Bush was saying the stuff below. It's impossible to make the case to impeach the man on war lies while also saying Congress knew everything Bush did, because if that's true, there were no lies and no impeachment. I believe the Bushies lied and that some people didn't believe the lies, which is an entirely different thing than "knowing" the truth.



Sept 7, 2002

Its my honor to welcome the Prime Minister back to Camp David. I look forward to spending a good three hours talking to our friend about how to keep the peace.


Sept 10, 2002

"I'll make the case of how I think we ought to proceed, on how we work together to keep the peace."


Sept 19, 2002

"I am sending suggested language for a resolution. I want -- I've asked for Congress' support to enable the administration to keep the peace...If you want to keep the peace, you've got to have the authorization to use force. But it's -- this will be -- this is a chance for Congress to indicate support. It's a chance for Congress to say, we support the administration's ability to keep the peace. That's what this is all about."



Sept 23, 2002

"I believe we can achieve peace. Oh, I know the kids hear all the war rhetoric and tough talk, and that's necessary to send a message."



Sept 27, 2002

"I'm willing to give peace a chance to work... People who are willing to work with us to send a clear message to the world, a unified message, a strong resolution which defines our vision for peace... I want you to know that behind the rhetoric of war is a deep desire for peace."



Sept 28, 2002

"I want to thank members of both political parties in the Congress for working on a strong statement of resolve that the world will see. Members of both political parties have worked together with the -- with members of my staff, to develop a statement that shows our determination and our desire to keep the peace<"



Oct 7, 2002

"Approving this resolution does not mean that military action is imminent or unavoidable. The resolution will tell the United Nations, and all nations, that America speaks with one voice."


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jpgray Donating Member (1000+ posts) Send PM | Profile | Ignore Mon Apr-30-07 11:58 PM
Response to Reply #5
6. Yes, but he still shouldn't have been trusted to that extent
In fact, no president should have that much power.
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sandnsea Donating Member (1000+ posts) Send PM | Profile | Ignore Tue May-01-07 12:15 AM
Response to Reply #6
7. As to impeachment
Your point there is useless. Get what I mean? True and a lesson we should pass on to our kids, but in terms of holding Bush accountable, useless.

That is my key frustration wtih the "voted for the war" people - as long as they say Congress knew, then Bush didn't lie to Congress, and there's no reason to impeach.
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Old and In the Way Donating Member (1000+ posts) Send PM | Profile | Ignore Tue May-01-07 12:25 AM
Response to Reply #6
9. But no President has ever used a war powers act to consoldate personal power like Bush.
Should Congress assume that the President is playing politics with things like "impending mushroom clouds"? Would we want our Democratic President hamstrung by a Congress who wouldn't allow him to legitimately react to a gathering threat? I don't think so. We had to assume good intentions on the part of this administration. In hindsight, we now understand that this was about the control of the oil in the ME and domestic consolidation of power by the Republican Party...but a lot of that stuff didn't get exposed prior to the IWR. We smelled a rat at DU, but it was only an educated hunch....if I were a US Senator, would I want to vote "No" on the IWR and then explain to my constituents my vote if another attack was sucessful?

I could see such an attack completely wiping out the Democratic Party as the media would have had Karl Roves talking points on the "Party of Saddam Appeasers" as soon as the smoke started to clear.
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wtmusic Donating Member (1000+ posts) Send PM | Profile | Ignore Tue May-01-07 01:02 AM
Response to Reply #9
11. "We had to assume good intentions"
We had to assume no such thing. I don't give any yea votes a pass, because invasion without "armed attack" is illegal under the UN Charter. The specific wording was given a lot of thought, specifically to avoid tragedies like this. With the neocons clamoring to hold up UNSCR's as justification, any Senator/Rep could have simply used that fact to explain their "no" vote.

They're all pathetic.
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Old and In the Way Donating Member (1000+ posts) Send PM | Profile | Ignore Tue May-01-07 12:15 AM
Response to Reply #5
8. Interesting how the message changed after the IWR.
I still think that the vote was timed for the November midterm. If the Dems had come out strong against the war resolution, I remember wondering if we'd have another "event" planned to frame Saddam and completely nuetralize the Democrats. We hadn't even had a formal public investigation into 9/11 at that point. I put nothing past this ssyndicate of criminals...I really think they wanted to destroy the opposition at home and the Democrats didn't give them that option.
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dave_p Donating Member (1000+ posts) Send PM | Profile | Ignore Tue May-01-07 12:38 AM
Response to Reply #2
10. That's not a UN solution
Regime change wasn't the UN's position. It was the Bush Administration's.

Offering Saddam elections and "economic liberty" (ie provatization and deregulation) - ie overthrow - was hardly a recipe for a deal.

This was invasion talk.

We didn't need to pick apart the speeches: all the signs were there.
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Jacobin Donating Member (1000+ posts) Send PM | Profile | Ignore Tue May-01-07 03:23 PM
Response to Reply #2
14. I remember
being on DU, faxing, writing letters and emailing dozens of congresscritters.

Everyone KNEW it was war. They KNEW it. His hard on was obvious.

Your memory may be different. I know about what I remember, because I remember Viet Fucking Nam and I knew it was gonna be the same goddamend thing all fucking over again
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sandnsea Donating Member (1000+ posts) Send PM | Profile | Ignore Mon Apr-30-07 11:49 PM
Response to Reply #1
4. That was after the Oct vote n/t
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RufusTFirefly Donating Member (1000+ posts) Send PM | Profile | Ignore Mon Apr-30-07 11:45 PM
Response to Original message
3. Glad you mentioned "fig leaves"
Reminds me of Sen. Byrd's impassioned attempt to wake up his complacent Congressional colleagues:

... if we are going to make it a blank check, let's make it a blank check right upfront, without all of these flowery fig leaves of "whereas" clauses, and simply say that the president has this power. Give it to him and we will put up a sign on the top of this Capitol: "Out of business." "Gone home." "Gone fishing."
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FrenchieCat Donating Member (1000+ posts) Send PM | Profile | Ignore Tue May-01-07 02:13 AM
Response to Original message
12. Can we get more "detail, links" on the Graham's statements please....
that would support the ""The reason is that this resolution is too timid." His statements justifying his vote, if you've read them, indicate the resolution didn't go far enough. Thanks Bob." statement in your OP? Thanks!


"Five of the nine Democrats on the Senate Intelligence Committee, including Graham and Durbin, ultimately voted against the resolution, but they were unable to convince other committee members or a majority in the Senate itself. This was at least in part because they were not allowed to divulge what they knew: While Graham and Durbin could complain that the administration's and Tenet's own statements contradicted the classified reports they had read, they could not say what was actually in those reports." http://www.globalpolicy.org/security/issues/iraq/unmovic/2003/0630selling.htm


Frontline Interview with Bob Graham:

I became aware of the significance of Iraq in February of 2002, when I was told that this administration had made the decision to begin to de-emphasize Afghanistan in order to get ready for Iraq, and that it wasn't just a theoretical decision; it was an operational decision that resulted in personnel and assets which had been important in the early phases of the Afghanistan war being redeployed to the disadvantage of victory in Afghanistan. ...

They must have known at that time that both philosophically and at a personal level, Saddam Hussein and Osama bin Laden were adversaries. The idea that they had collaborated in 9/11 was absurd.

How did you hear about it, that they were headed in this direction in February of 2002?

Well, I heard about it during a briefing at Central Command , which is located in Tampa, Fla., on the Afghanistan war. The briefing was very positive. Things were going well; victory appeared to be close at hand. Then I was told in a private meeting that no, that wasn't the case; that in fact, we were beginning to recede from the war in Afghanistan precisely to get ready for Iraq.

Who told you?

Gen. Tommy Franks.

Take me into the meeting. What's happening? ...

The general said, "Senator, I would like to speak with you privately." We went into his room, and he proceeded to tell me that they weren't fighting a war in Afghanistan; that they were, in fact, beginning to redeploy assets. He particularly mentioned special operations personnel and the Predator unmanned aircraft as examples of assets that were being redeployed from Afghanistan to get ready for Iraq.

He then laid out what he thought the strategy should be for victory in the war on terror: Finish the job in Afghanistan; move to other areas that had large numbers of cells of Al Qaeda -- Somalia, Yemen being number one and number two. He went on to say that Iraq was a special case, that our intelligence there was very poor, and that the Europeans knew more about Saddam Hussein's weapons of mass destruction than we did.

The head of CENTCOM, a four-star general, is telling you this information. How do you react?

I was stunned, because I believed the president when he had said shortly after 9/11 that our strategy was going to be to identify, engage and destroy all terrorists of global reach. I thought that was the right strategy, a clear definition of the mission; that's what we should be following. We should first eradicate those who had just killed 3,000 Americans; then we should go after groups which had killed Americans previously -- particularly Hezbollah -- and had the capability of killing more Americans.

That would have been a strategy which would have changed the world today, but instead, we were distracted into the war in Iraq on false pretenses, and Hezbollah, Hamas, Al Qaeda are all more serious adversaries today than they were on Sept. 11.

... Why do you think he told you this?

I think he told me this because he wanted to talk to somebody who he thought might have some ability to reverse the policies that he saw taking place.
http://www.pbs.org/wgbh/pages/frontline/darkside/interviews/graham.html



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jpgray Donating Member (1000+ posts) Send PM | Profile | Ignore Tue May-01-07 03:06 AM
Response to Reply #12
13. No problem! Thanks for the polite request
Here's the start of his statement:

But, Madam President, tonight I am going to vote no on this resolution. The reason is this resolution is too timid. It is too limiting. It is too weak. This resolution fails to recognize the new reality of the era of terrorism. And that reality is that war abroad will, without assertive security actions, increase the prospects of terrorist attacks here at home.

In fact, war on Iraq alone leaves Americans more vulnerable to the No. 1 threat facing us today, those international terrorist organizations that have the capability to inflict upon us a repeat of the tragedy of September 11.

The resolution I had hoped we would pass would contain what the President has asked for relative to the use of force against Saddam Hussein's regime in Iraq, and more.

It also should provide the President all necessary authorities to use force against the international terrorist groups that will probably strike the United States as the regime of Saddam Hussein crumbles.

I offered an amendment on this floor yesterday that would have given the President the authorities he needs to deal with the threat posed by the five deadliest terrorist organizations in addition to al-Qaida--that would gladly join Saddam Hussein in his retaliatory strike.

Those five organizations have already killed hundreds of Americans. Those five organizations have ties to countries that could provide them with weapons of mass destruction. Those five organizations have the capability to strike within our homeland. They have recruited, trained, and placed operatives in our hometowns.

I argued that the President should have the option to set priorities and choose our targets, and to be able to preempt terrorists before they can order strikes against us in our homeland. Unfortunately, that amendment was rejected.

Some said I was incorrect in my contention that the President, as Commander in Chief, lacks the power to expand the war on terrorism beyond al-Qaida. I disagree. But I will not repeat the legal arguments that I made yesterday.

But even accepting the fact that others may disagree, how is it in the interest of our Nation's security to leave the question in doubt as to whether the President has the authority to attack these international terrorist organizations that represent such a lethal threat to the people of the United States?


http://cns.miis.edu/cr/021014sd.htm
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