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niyad

(113,284 posts)
Mon Jan 7, 2019, 02:47 PM Jan 2019

Legal Scholars to Trump: No, You Cannot Declare Emergency to Build Wall That Public Doesn't Want and

Legal Scholars to Trump: No, You Cannot Declare Emergency to Build Wall That Public Doesn't Want and Isn't Needed

"The American constitution does not contemplate such presidential unilateralism."

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U.S. President Donald Trump is joined by Vice President Mike Pence, Homeland Security secretary, Kirstjen Nielsen, House Minority Leader Kevin McCarthy (R-CA) and Rep. Steve Scalise (R-LA) while speaking to the media after a meeting with Congressional leaders about ending the partial government shutdown, in the Rose Garden at the White House on January 4, 2019 in Washington, DC. (Photo: Mark Wilson/Getty Images)

After President Donald Trump on Friday claimed he could declare a national emergency in order to assert total control over the border and use existing taxpayer money to build a wall he has repeatedly told the American public that Mexico would pay for, legal experts are pointing out that Trump has no authority under the Constitution to do any such thing.

"Of all the constitutional norms that this president has upset, this, ultimately, may be the most significant." —Lawrence Lessig, Harvard University"I can do it if I want," Trump declared Friday. "We can call a national emergency because of the security of our country. We can do it. I haven't done it. I may do it."

Calling Trump's demand for the wall "constitutionally illegitimate" in an op-ed for the Guardian in the wake of the president's "bizarre" press conference outside the White House, Harvard law professor Lawrence Lessig argued that no reading of the nation's governing document "would ever uphold the view that a president can stop the functioning of government, to insist upon a program unsupported by the public or unrequired by the constitution."

Lessig writes:

Of all the constitutional norms that this president has upset, this, ultimately, may be the most significant. And it is this innovation that the Republicans especially should check. For do they now concur in the precedent that a president has the constitutional authority to insist upon whatever policy he likes, regardless of its support in the public? If a Democrat were elected on the promise to establish single-payer healthcare, does she then have the moral authority to shut down the government until Congress nationalizes the insurance industry? Or directly regulates pharmaceuticals? If she were elected on the promise to address climate change, can she stop the ordinary functioning of government until Congress passes a carbon tax?

Of course not, Lessig concludes: "The American constitution does not contemplate such presidential unilateralism."

If there was money that Trump could use to build a wall, many experts agree it will likely come from undesignated Pentagon funds. But speaking with NBC News, Matt Dallek, professor at Washington University's Graduate School of Political Management and an expert in presidential power, said that Trump can "declare some kind of national emergency, but what it would allow him to do legally is a totally different question."

As the Trump's intransigence continues—and after admitting behind closed doors that he could not submit to the Democrat's demands because it would make him "look foolish" if he did—NBC News reports on how the concrete impacts are being increasingly felt by those federal workers locked out of working or working without pay.

Discussing the issue on MSNBC on Saturday afternoon, legal scholar and former congresswoman Elizabeth Holtzman said that her reading of the relevant statute is that while Trump has some authority to declare a national emergency, as Dallek noted, this doesn't qualify as one of those times and that the president has no authority to re-direct money already appropriated by Congress for other purposes towards his wall.

"This just another one of his hair-brained schemes," Holtzman said. "And we know, time after time, his cruel, unnecessary, horrifying policies on the border—whether its separation of children from their parents or whether it's stopping people from coming in under the asylum laws or whether its his original total ban on Muslim immigration—all of those were shut down by the courts. So I think the reason he's doing this now, in this way, is he's very worried about whether he has authority and he's trying to threaten Congress. It's not going to work. The Democrats are not going to support a wall."

As a result, Holtzmann said, it is the 800,000 federal workers and their families who are being held hostage by Trump's cruelty. "Are they going have enough money to put food on the table? Is their house going to be taken away? Is their mortgage going to be forclosed on? I mean, what is he doing to this country? For his image? That's an outrage."

As Lessig argued in his op-ed, Trump "does not act for the people. He does not act to defend the constitution. He acts to avoid, as he acknowledged to Senator Chuck Schumer, 'seeming foolish.'"


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https://www.commondreams.org/news/2019/01/05/legal-scholars-trump-no-you-cannot-declare-emergency-build-wall-public-doesnt-want

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Legal Scholars to Trump: No, You Cannot Declare Emergency to Build Wall That Public Doesn't Want and (Original Post) niyad Jan 2019 OP
The case of Youngstown Co. v. Sawyer might be relevant to the issue. The Velveteen Ocelot Jan 2019 #1
the asshole will try it... dhill926 Jan 2019 #2

The Velveteen Ocelot

(115,683 posts)
1. The case of Youngstown Co. v. Sawyer might be relevant to the issue.
Mon Jan 7, 2019, 03:01 PM
Jan 2019

In 1952, during the Korean War, President Truman tried to seize and nationalize the steel mills during a steelworkers' strike in order to ensure steel production continued. The Supreme Court shot him down on the ground that he had usurped a power reserved by the Constitution to the Congress.

In the framework of our Constitution, the President's power to see that the laws are faithfully executed refutes the idea that he is to be a lawmaker. The Constitution limits his functions in the lawmaking process to the recommending of laws he thinks wise and the vetoing of laws he thinks bad. And the Constitution is neither silent nor equivocal about who shall make laws which the President is to execute. The first section of the first article says that "All legislative Powers herein granted shall be vested in a Congress of the United States . . . ." After granting many powers to the Congress, Article I goes on to provide that Congress may "make all Laws which shall be necessary and proper for carrying into Execution the foregoing Powers, and all other Powers vested by this Constitution in the Government of the United States, or in any Department or Officer thereof."

The President's order does not direct that a congressional policy be executed in a manner prescribed by Congress - it directs that a presidential policy be executed in a manner prescribed by the President. The preamble of the order itself, like that of many statutes, sets out reasons why the President believes certain policies should be adopted, proclaims these policies as rules of conduct to be followed, and again, like a statute, authorizes a government official to promulgate additional rules and regulations consistent with the policy proclaimed and needed to carry that policy into execution. The power of Congress to adopt such public policies as those proclaimed by the order is beyond question. It can authorize the taking of private property for public use. It can make laws regulating the relationships between employers and employees, prescribing rules designed to settle labor disputes, and fixing wages and working conditions in certain fields of our economy. The Constitution does not subject this lawmaking power of Congress to presidential or military supervision or control.

It is said that other Presidents without congressional authority have taken possession of private business enterprises in order to settle labor disputes. But even if this be true, Congress has not thereby lost its exclusive constitutional authority to make laws necessary and proper to carry out the powers vested by the Constitution "in the Government of the United States, or any Department or Officer thereof."

The Founders of this Nation entrusted the lawmaking power to the Congress alone in both good and bad times. It would do no good to recall the historical events, the fears of power and the hopes for freedom that lay behind their choice. Such a review would but confirm our holding that this seizure order cannot stand.
https://caselaw.findlaw.com/us-supreme-court/343/579.html

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