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Related: Editorials & Other Articles, Issue Forums, Alliance Forums, Region ForumsHow the Bad Economy Breaks Up Families
http://www.bloomberg.com/news/2014-11-10/how-the-bad-economy-breaks-up-families.htmlIt could be a future diorama at New Yorks Museum of Natural History: A human male and female who not only got married, but stayed married.
Divorce among 50-somethings has doubled since 1990. One in five adults have never married, up from one in ten 30 years ago. In all, a majority of American adults are now single, government data show, including the mothers of two out of every five newborns.
These trends are often blamed on feminists or gay rights activists or hippies, whove somehow found a way to make Americans reject tradition.
But the last several years showed a different powerful force changing families: the economy.
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How the Bad Economy Breaks Up Families (Original Post)
xchrom
Nov 2014
OP
SamKnause
(13,107 posts)1. Income instability
and poverty have a negative effect on everything and everyone.
me b zola
(19,053 posts)2. I req'd this OP, but what it fails at addressing is children relinquished because of economic reason
Infants "available" for adoption largely come from poor economic circumstance. I realize that the "crack mother" stereotype is widespread, but is a lie. Impoverished women are told relentlessly that their children would be better off without them, thus making infants available to the billion dollar adoption industry.
Can you imagine if as a society we cherished families enough to assist poor mothers in keeping their children rather than relinquishing them to strangers, the child being robbed of their name, heritage, and culture? Now that would go a long way in respecting families.
lumberjack_jeff
(33,224 posts)3. Well-intended social policy does its part too.
http://www.motherjones.com/politics/2014/03/kathryn-edin-poverty-research-fatherhood
http://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC2831274/
http://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC2831274/
We present new estimates of unwed fathers ability to pay child support. Prior research relied on surveys that drastically undercounted nonresident unwed fathers and provided no link to their children who lived in separate households. To overcome these limitations, previous research assumed assortative mating and that each mother partnered with one father who was actually eligible to pay support and had no other child support obligations. Because the Fragile Families and Child Wellbeing Study contains data on couples, multiple-partner fertility, and a rich array of other previously unmeasured characteristics of fathers, it is uniquely suited to address the limitations of previous research. We also use an improved method of dealing with missing data. Our findings suggest that previous research overestimated the aggregate ability of unwed nonresident fathers to pay child support by 33% to 60%.
The past four decades saw a steep increase in nonmarital births in the United States, alongside high rates of child poverty and welfare dependence among female-headed families. These trends gave rise to the seemingly reasonable expectation that child support should play a key role in improving the circumstances of poor children and easing the burden on the public purse. Compared with just 6% in 1960, nonmarital births currently account for fully one-third of all births, and up to twice that proportion for some racial/ethnic groups. Although about half of new unwed parents cohabit (Bumpass and Sweet 1989; Nepomnyaschy 2003), most cohabitors with children break up over time, making the vast majority of unwed fathers potentially liable for child support.
...
There are two ways in which existing estimates of fathers ability to pay child support are particularly problematic. The first challenge is the underreporting of unwed parenthood (Hanson, McLanahan, and Thompson 1996; Sorensen 1997), a problem that has been addressed using various imputation strategies to estimate the earnings of missing fathers. We hypothesize that the data and methodological limitations in prior studies are likely to have produced upwardly biased estimates of fathers earnings. The second challenge concerns the complex structure of present-day families. We hypothesize that by failing to account for mortality, non-identifiable fathers, and multiple-partner fertility, previous estimates have likely further overstated fathers ability to pay because they assume one father who has no other child support obligations for each eligible mother with nonmarital children. This article addresses both these issues by applying new methods to new data. The Fragile Families and Child Wellbeing Study (FFCWS) was especially designed to extend research on child support. We combine a rich set of previously unavailable variables concerning mens fertility, mortality, and other relevant characteristics, with improved imputation strategies to produce new estimates of fathers earnings and obligations.
The past four decades saw a steep increase in nonmarital births in the United States, alongside high rates of child poverty and welfare dependence among female-headed families. These trends gave rise to the seemingly reasonable expectation that child support should play a key role in improving the circumstances of poor children and easing the burden on the public purse. Compared with just 6% in 1960, nonmarital births currently account for fully one-third of all births, and up to twice that proportion for some racial/ethnic groups. Although about half of new unwed parents cohabit (Bumpass and Sweet 1989; Nepomnyaschy 2003), most cohabitors with children break up over time, making the vast majority of unwed fathers potentially liable for child support.
...
There are two ways in which existing estimates of fathers ability to pay child support are particularly problematic. The first challenge is the underreporting of unwed parenthood (Hanson, McLanahan, and Thompson 1996; Sorensen 1997), a problem that has been addressed using various imputation strategies to estimate the earnings of missing fathers. We hypothesize that the data and methodological limitations in prior studies are likely to have produced upwardly biased estimates of fathers earnings. The second challenge concerns the complex structure of present-day families. We hypothesize that by failing to account for mortality, non-identifiable fathers, and multiple-partner fertility, previous estimates have likely further overstated fathers ability to pay because they assume one father who has no other child support obligations for each eligible mother with nonmarital children. This article addresses both these issues by applying new methods to new data. The Fragile Families and Child Wellbeing Study (FFCWS) was especially designed to extend research on child support. We combine a rich set of previously unavailable variables concerning mens fertility, mortality, and other relevant characteristics, with improved imputation strategies to produce new estimates of fathers earnings and obligations.
Because you do great threads on income inequality that need to be seen.