President Maduro and His Imaginary Parliament
According to the psychological literature, approximately one-third of children between the ages of 4 and 8 engage in play with an imaginary friend. Sadly, the research says little about how we should respond to middle-aged politicians who express a desire to do business with an imaginary legislature.
We might soon have an answer to that question. On Dec. 6, Venezuelas opposition won a landslide victory in nationwide parliamentary elections. Those who predicted that the government would simply accept defeat were quickly proven wrong. No sooner were the results announced than President Nicolás Maduro and his remaining allies began working to deprive the National Assembly, now dominated by an opposition supermajority, of its institutional power.
Last Wednesday, Diosdado Cabello, the head of the outgoing parliament, announced the creation of a new and unelected Communal Congress, whose members he then invited to convene at the parliament building. Soon after, Maduro rather ominously floated the idea of transferring all power to the new body.
Needless to say, none of this would be in line with Venezuelas much-abused constitution. But during the past sixteen years of chavismo, legal niceties have rarely stood in the way of the late President Hugo Chávez or his successor. Maduro and his followers have no intention of sharing power with a parliament dominated by opponents they have long labeled fascists, coup-mongers, and oligarchs. After the blow to their popular mandate at the polls, the ruling socialists have been gearing up for a major showdown, pitting the four branches of government they still control against the legislature and, by extension, the popular will. (In addition to the usual executive, legislative, and judicial branches of government, Venezuela also has an electoral authority and an amorphous fifth branch known as the poder ciudadano, or citizens power.)
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