We live in critical and dangerous times. Neoliberalism is still the supreme politico-economic doctrine, while domestic societies continue to deteriorate as public investment and social programs and services are scaled down further so that the rich can get richer. Concurrently, political authoritarianism is on the rise, and some believe the United States is ripe for the emergence of a proto-fascist regime. In the meantime, the climate change threat intensifies as political leaders continue to lack the courage and vision to move forward with alternative energy systems, putting at risk the future of human civilization.

For these and other reasons, the 2016 US presidential election is key for the future of the country and the world at large. Indeed, this may be the United States' last chance to elect a leader who can change the course of its domestic and foreign policy, although the prospect of this happening is hardly likely when one looks at the current political landscape.

Indeed, as Noam Chomsky told Truthout in this exclusive interview, the political candidates for the 2016 presidential election hardly address the major issues confronting the country and the world. Meanwhile, the rise of Trumpism and the Republican candidates' competition to be the most extremist and racist reflects deep-seated "perceptions of loss and fear" among many Americans.

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America's youth seems to be captivated by Bernie Sanders' message. Are you surprised by how well he is holding up?

I am surprised. I didn't anticipate the success of his campaign. It is, however, important to bear in mind that his policy proposals would not have surprised President Eisenhower, and that they are pretty much in tune with popular sentiments over a long period, often considerable majorities. For example, his much-maligned call for a national health-care system of the kind familiar in similar societies is supported right now by about 60 percent of the population, a very high figure considering the fact that it is subject to constant condemnation and has very limited articulate advocacy. And that popular support goes far back. In the late Reagan years, about 70 percent of the population thought that there should be a constitutional guarantee of health care, and 40 percent thought there already was such a guarantee - meaning that it is such an obvious desideratum that it must be in this sacred document.

When Obama abandoned a public option without consideration, it was supported by almost two-thirds of the population. And there is every reason to believe that there would be enormous savings if the US adopted the far more efficient national health-care programs of other countries, which have about half the health-care expenditures of the US and generally better outcomes. The same is true of his proposals for higher taxes on the rich, free higher education and other parts of his domestic programs, mostly reflecting New Deal commitments and similar to policy choices during the most successful growth periods of the post-World War II period.

Under what scenario can Sanders possibly win the Democratic nomination?

Evidently, it would require very substantial educational and organizational activities. But my own feeling, frankly, is that these should be directed substantially toward developing a popular movement that will not fade away after the election, but will join with others to form the kind of activist force that has been instrumental in initiating and carrying forward needed changes and reforms in the past.